HN 
R63p 


A 
A 

0 
0 

1  j 

1  j 

7  i 
7  I 

6  ! 
6  I 

2  I 


Politics 

By 
John  Rankin  Rogers 


.£  >  H 


POLITICS 


An     Argument     in     FAvor    of    the     Inalienable 
Rights  of  Man. 


— BY — 

John  R.   Rogers 


With  an  introduction  hy 
SHLMON      7UV.     K  L  L  ©  N 


Seattle,  Wash 

THE    AM.7-.N    PRINTING    CO. 

1894. 


I!\    Ji'HN    K       1< 

Puyallup    Wa»hington 


INTRODUCTION. 


THE  effort  to  substitute  reason  for  force  in  human  government 
has  not  been  many  times  seriously  attempted  in  the  history  of 
the  race,  and   has  been  successful  in  very  few    instances.     Man's 
development  began  with  his  physical  or  animal  nature,  and  it  was 
but  natural  therefore,  that  the  attempt  at  government  should  have 
assumed  at  first  the  character  of  force.      With  the  development  of 
the  intellect  has  come  a  rebellion  against  a  government  of  force,  and 
a  longing  for  one  based  upon  reason.     But  the  development  of  the 
reason,  though  making  immense  strides  in  the   5000  years  of  the 
world's  history,  has  had  to  struggle  hard  against  the   mere  animal 
in  man  ;  and  looking  back  from  the  heights  of  this  closing  scene  of 
&  the  50th  century  it  still  looks  as  if  the  mere  animal  was  yet  in  the 
*"!  ascendency,  and  that    the  race  had  not  yet  secured  for  itself  the 
=  domination    of  its  reason  in    matters  governmental,  much  less  the 
co  domination  of  its  spiritual  nature.     The  race  is  thinking  hard,  but 
~~ '  it  thinks  largely  along  the  lines  of  its  animal  parts,  and  we  have  as 
S  a  result,  government  based  on    force    with    the  selfishness  of  the 
£?  animal  in  the  ascendancy. 

In  our  own  land,  for  a  century  and  a  fraction  we  have  been 
groping  around  to  find  some  method  of  getting  our  reason  on  top, 
and  holding  the  animal  in  subjection.  Instinctive  justice  and  our 
partly  educated  spiritual  nature  have  made  an  effort  to  substitute 
reason  in  the  government  of  our  people.  It  has  been  however,  but 
a  halting,  lame  attempt,  and  the  century  is  about  to  close  with  the 
experiment  only  a  half  success  and  the  dread  of  a  total  failure 
impending  like  a  gloomy  cloud  over  us,  while  over  the  larger  part 
of  the  world  the  race  is  still  subservient  to  a  government  of  force. 
Reason  alone  seems  wholly  inadequate  to  the  struggle;  and  even 
assisted  by  the  "spark  of  divinity"  within  us  for  2000  years,  reaches 
this  ,50th  cycle  of  time  far  from  triumphant.  But  man  in  his  full 
nature  is  persistent,  progressive,  determined  and  hopeful.  The 
contest  is  one  for  the  supremacy  of  the  reason,  but  the  reason  kept 
in  contact  with  the    animal    nature    alone,  if  this   were    possible, 

370690 


tNTKODl  CTION. 

than  instinct,  and  will  accomplish  little  beyond 
ivernment.     But  reason,  under  the  influence  of  the 
Divine   nature,  ma>  develope  a   power  adequate  to  be 
ituted  in  all  the  relationships  ol  life  for  brute  force. 

M.i\     it  not  be  that    what    we    call    instinctive-    justice   is    the 

at  power  oi    the   Divinity   within    us,  slumbering,  in  a  sort   of 
mal  lethargy  .  and  occasionally  aroused  to  rebuke  the   selfishness 
animal. 

it  not  be  that  when   this  slumbering    spark  of  Divinity 

into  a  blaze,  that    reason   may    be   dazzled  by    its   brilliancy, 

tivated  by  its  cheei .  and  yield  to  its  full  control.      If  so,  the  reason 

may  gain    powei    over  the  animal,  and   give    us  a   government   in 

which  selfish  individualism    may  cease    and    a    loving    co-operation 

substituted.     When    this   becomes    possible    we   may    look   for 

permanency  in  a    government   of  the  people  by  the  people   and  for 

the    people. 

While-    this    struggle    for   the-  supremacy  of    the    Divinity 

within  us  is  in  progress  it  is  cheering  to  find,  even  rarely,  such  a 
broad  and  logical  argument,  as  that  from  the  pen  of  my  esteemed 
friend  embraced  in  the  following  pages.  1  have  read  it  with  deep 
interest.  Its  tendency  is  to  strengthen  the  hope  that  it  may  yet  be 
for  the-  race-  to  reach  some  fundamental,  basic  principles, 
which,  enacted  into  constitutional  law.  may  give  us  a  government 
in  which  there  may  he-  at  least  better  opportunity  for  the  further 
development  of  the  reason  under  the  guide  of  our  better  nature.  It 
would  be-  well  if  we  could  have  more  such  literature  in  politics, 
olitical  literature-  that  appeals  to  the-  partisan  as  a  partisan, 
tends  rather  down  than  build  up,  is   debasing  not  uplifting. 

Brother  Rogers  has  been  able  to  dig  dee]).      He  will  stir  the  slumb- 
ering embers  of  the  fires  which  God  has  kindled  within    us.  which, 
I    will  never  be   quenched.     His   appeal   is   to  the 
her  nature,  not  from  the-  standpoint  of  a  partisan,  but  from    the- 
standpoint    of    .1    brother    man,  with   a    heart    overflowing    with    a 
e  the    raee    emancipated  from  the  thralldom  of 
:■]   it-    inalienable    rights    and    liberties    intrenched    behind 
v.      The  realization   of   his    theories  will   go    far  to 
ten    tin    day  when    man   shall    peacefully  submit   himself  to  the 
ernment  of  his  reason.     That   this  day  may  not   be   in    the  dim 
I  that  America  may  have  the  honor  of  initiating  reason's 
t  triumph  in  government  is  the  sincere   wish  of 
Yours  truly, 

Sm.mon    M.    Ai.i.kn. 


POLITICS. 


An  argument  in  behalf  of  the  inalienable  rights  of  man. 


-BY- 
JOHN    R.    ROGERS 


My  father  was  a  Democrat,  and  in  his 
way,  something  of  a  politician.  As  a 
boy  I  heard  the  arguments  of  the  Demo- 
crats, read  Democratic  newspapers  and 
very  naturally  imbibed  their  notions  re- 
garding slavery  and  the  tariff.  I  heard 
with  much  inward  satisfaction  the  story 
of  the  disagreement  of  my  paternal  and 
maternal  grandfathers,  long  before  my 
birth  in  Jackson's  time,  upon  the  time- 
honored  tariff  question.  More  than  sixty 
years  ago  one  of  these  men  pulled  off 
his  coat  and  announced  his  intention  of 
■'licking"  the  other  because  he  did  not 
believein  "free  trade  and  sailors'  rights." 
Descended  from  a  Revolutionary  "priva- 
teersman,"  I  naturally  took  sides — in 
my  mind — with  the  first,  and  during  all 
my  boyhood  days  regretted  the  fact  that 
he  did  not  carry  out  his  threat.  In  this 
boyish  frame  of  mind  I  imagined  that  if 
he  had  done  so,  at  least  one  step  would 
have  been  taken  toward  the  proper  set- 
tlement of  a  momentous  question.  The 
The  opportunity  passed  unimproved  and 
men  still  continue  to  quarrel. 

Poor  grandfather,  he  was  ready  to  do 
battle  in  defence  of  the  honor  of  his 
sailor  father,  old  "Captain  Jonny,"  but 
he  couldn't  settle  the  tariff  matter.    And 


now  after  sixty  years  of  dispute,  of  which 
I  know  something,  I  begin  to  fear  that 
the  pecuniary  interests  of  those  who 
wish  to  impose  tariff  taxes  and  those 
who  do  not  wish  to  pay  them  may  be 
mipossible  of  settlement.  In  all  ages  of 
the  world  I  find  that  men  have  ever  de- 
sired to  impose  upon  other  men  the  bur- 
den of  their  support,  and  that  so  far,  in 
one  way  or  another,  a  class  of  men  have 
always  been  able,  not  only  to  do  this  but 
to  make  the  vast  majority  think  it  right 
that  it  should  be  so. 

It  is  true  that  there  have  always  been 
a  few  who  did  not  agree  to  this,  who 
held  with  the  Gallilean  Teacher  the  es- 
sential brotherhood  of  man,  with  its 
necessary  consequence  —  absence  of 
special  privilege — but  the  world  has  gen- 
erally voted  them  "cranks"  or  "pesti- 
lent fellows,"  and  usually  gotten  rid  of 
them  and  the  awkward  questions  they 
have  asked,  with  scant  ceremony. 

In  the  spring  of  1856  I  started  alone,  a 
mere  boy,  to  visit  my  relatives  in  the 
states  of  Mississippi  and  Louisiana.  Ar- 
riving at  Louisville  I  took  passage  on  the 
palatial  Mississippi  river  steamer 
Niagara,  Capt.  Harry  Leathers,  for 
Vicksburg.     The   Niagara  was  too  large 


rouT<  s 


Louisville 

d,   about    three 

•\£    «    hack    I 

w  itli   .1  lai  ge  crew 

■ii  loading  foi  the  v 

as.    Cnpt     Leathers  and 

lite  and  ex- 

nu-  tint   although  it  might  be 

•    the  I'D. a  \v;i-  ready 

still,  I   was  perfectly  welcome 

!    and    remain  until  Vicks- 
burg  was  reached. 

rraveling   m    those    days    w;is    more 
rely    done    than    at    present.     The 

met  in  due  time  proceeded  down  the 

but  long  ^tops  wen-   made  at  va- 
rious places  to   take   on  freight  and  pas- 
rs,  and  it  thus  happened  that  some 
01   eight    very   pleasant  days   had 
Vicksburg   came  in  sight. 
Shut  up  together  the   passengers  hecame 
in  a  short   time   quite   well    acquainted, 
me  landing  in  northern  Mississippi 
there  during    the    ni^ht  a 

plain,  kindly  looking  old  ut  ntleman  who 
the  next  morning  at  hreakfast  hap] 

next  to  me.     We   fell    into  conver- 
and  strange    to  say  became  in  the 
three  or  four  flays  which   followed,  quite 
intimate.     lb   iraa   Bome   sixty    years  of 
plainly  dressed,  a  planter,  living  on 
his  plantation    near    Vicksburg.  and  ap- 
D    of  strict    integrity  and 
mora1,  uprightness.      How    this   old  gen- 
tleman came  to  take  me  as    a  '(hum"  it 
■  I    to  determine    except    that 
neither  of  u*  drank,  cursed,  played  cards 
imbled.      "'.nd  as  these  seemed  to  be 
ttions  of   the  gentle- 
men aboard  it  may  have    been    sufficient 
•'.     Anyhow.  I  v. as  much  imp  • 
the  obi  man;  he  seemed  above    the 
id  meanness  of  life. 

and  ^ave  me   much    information    regard- 

b   I    was    bound, 

!  with  v;«>  nul  much  gen- 

r<  uni- 
stam  ■  will    believe  that  I 

■vhat  shocked  on    our  arrival  to  see 
.    out    from   the 


freight  de<  i-  a  horse  and  saddle  and  a 
mullatto  boy  of  about  tin  own  age.  He 
had  said  nothing  to  me  about  this 
"property'  and  as  he  had  came  aboard 
in  the  night  1  had  seen  nothing  of  it.  I 
sat  on  the  passenger  deck  of  the  steamer, 
twelve  or  fifteen  feet  above  them,  and 
watched  their  preparations  for  depar- 
ture. The  boy  was  a  "bright  mullatto." 
clean  looking  and  decent,  but  his  face 
showed  such  misery  that  I  instantly  took 
his  part — in  my  mind  again.  He  was 
hand  cuffed  and  I  found  had  been 
chained  up  near  his  master's  horse  on 
the  lower  deck  while  the  aforesaid  mas- 
tei  was  giving  me  good  advice  in  the 
grand  saloon  above.  The  master  rather 
awkwardly  explained  to  me  that  the  boy- 
had  run  away,  that  he  had  followed  him 
many  weary  miles  on  horseback  to  the 
Tennessee  line,  had  finally  captured  him 
and  was  now  nearing  home  with  his 
"property."  After  he  had  saddled  his 
horse  he  unlocked  and  took  off  the  hand 
cuffs,  that  the  boy  might  have  more 
freedom  in  walking,  produced  from  his 
saddlebags  a  small  rope,  tied  one  end 
securely  round  this  half  grown  boy's 
neck,  got  on  his  horse,  tied  the  other 
end  <>f  the  rope  around  the  pummel  of 
his  saddle  and  with  a  chirrup  to  his 
horse  they  were  off  up  that  steep  hill 
side. 

I  don't  think  the  slave  opened  his 
mouth  during  all  this  time,  but  he 
"looked!"  so  broken  hearted  and  dis- 
couraged. His  whole  story  was  in  his 
eyes.  This  was  my  first  introduction  to 
"the  peculiar  institution"  and  for  a  mo- 
ment I  began  to  doubt  its  entire  wisdom 
and  justice,  but  other  things  distracted 
my  attention  and  for  the  time  the  inci- 
dent passed  out  of  my  mind.  Afterward 
I  wondered  how  so  good  an  old  man  as 
the  planter  evidently  was  could  be  so 
cruel  to  one  who  likely  enough  might 
have  been  his  own  son,  but  I  have  since 
come  to  see  that  custom  and  pecuniary 
interest  are  sufficient  to  warp  the  minds 
of    most    men  completely.     Now-a-days 


POLITICS. 


our  manner  of  doing   business  separates 
the  cause  from  the  effect  by  such  a  dis- 
tance that  most  fail  to  note  the  relation 
between  them.      The  money  dealers  by 
their  inauagement  cause  misery,  failure, 
disease,  crime  and  death  with  far  greater 
certainty  and  more  culpability  than  the 
slaveholders  of    the    past,  but  most   of 
them  refuse   to   acknowledge  it  even  to 
themselves.     The  distance  between  the 
cause  and  effect  is  a  little  greater,  that  is 
all.    This  slaveholder  was  a  kind  hearted 
man,   naturally  just,  where   "business" 
was    not    concerned,  and    so   are   large 
numbers  of  men  chiefly  responsible  for 
the  enormous  misery  of  our  cities  today. 
In  i860    I    was    a    resident  of   Hinds 
county   Mississippi.      The  war  between 
the   states    was  just   then    coming    on. 
Preparations  for   its   advent  were  to  be 
seen  on  every  hand.     Leaders  of  seces- 
sion were  industriously  engaged  in  fan- 
ning into    flame    the    fires  of    sectional 
hatred.     "Firing    the    southern  heart," 
was  the  business  of  the  time  with  them. 
Newspapers  were  filled,  speeches  made, 
all  with  one  end  in  view.     "We  are  not 
responsible  for  slavery,"  the}' said.  "Our 
forefathers  brought  the  negroshere.  The 
responsibility  of  caring  for  them  is  upon 
us.     We  shall  feed  and  clothe  them  and 
they  shall  have  religious  instruction  and 
want  for   nothing    of  which  they   really 
stand  in  need.     Slavery  is  upheld  by  the 
Bible  and   the  churches;  but  even  if  it 
were  not,  even  if  it  is  a  sin,  we  will  ans- 
wer to  God   for   that.     We   are   not  re- 
sponsible   to    the    consciences    of     our 
northern    brothers.       Local   self-govern- 
ment is  one  of  the  distinctive  features  of 
our  republic.     We  have  a  constitutional 
right  to  conduct   our   own    affairs  in  our 
own  way.       The    rights     not     expressly 
delegated  to  the  general  government  re- 
main   with    the    states;    this    being  ex- 
pressly   state    dand    understood   at  the 
time  of  the  organization  of   our   govern- 
ment and  the  ratification  of  the   consti- 
tution, our   only   bond  of  union.       We 
shall  not  go  to   the    North  to    interfere 


with  their  forms  of  government  or  with 
their  domestic  institutions.  We  want 
to  be  let  alone;  to  be  allowed  to  manage 
our  affairs  in  our  own  way  and  if  in  the 
wrong  we  will  render  account  at  least 
to  the  Judge  of  All.  But  if  the  north 
sends  its  armies  to  invade  our  states  we 
will  meet  them  as  Tom  Corwin  said  the 
Mexicans  ought  to  receive  the  Ameri- 
cans in  1S46,  "We  will  welcome  them 
with  bloody  hands  to  hospitable  graves." 
They  will  then  be  invaders;  we  shall 
fight  for  our  firesides  and  our  homes;  for 
all  men  hold  dear.  We  do  not  invite 
the  contest,  but  it  forced  upon  us  let  it 
come;  the  responsibility  be  upon  the 
heads  of  those  who  instigate  war." 

This  is  the  way  they  talked  in  1S69  in 
the  South.  Their  orators  made  the  wel- 
kin fairly  ring  with  their  denunciations, 
one  of  their  ablest  men  saying  in  sub- 
stance: "Twelve  millions  of  brave  and 
determined  people  fighting  in  defence 
of  their  homes  were  never  yet  conquered 
by  invading  armies."  And  this  was 
true — up  to  that  time.  Southern  sym- 
pathizer as  I  was  then,  and  for  years  af- 
terward, I  felt  the  force  of  this.  I  was 
inclined  to  think  them  wrong  on  the 
slavery  question  but  absolutely  right  in 
their  determination  to  secede  from  those 
states  which  persisted  in  the  attempt  to 
interfere  with  their  right  to  local  self- 
government. 

Today  I  can  see  the  weakness  of  their 
argument  and  the  cause  of  their  failure. 
It  is  easy  now.  True,  they  did  fight 
for  local  self-government.  They  were 
brave  and  determined.  They  were 
united.  But  their  weakness  was  this: 
The  foundation  for  which  they  fought  was  their 
ability  to  absorb  the  profits  of  other  men's  tabor. 
That  was  all  they  wanted.  But  it  was 
too  much.  It  was  unjust,  and  the  time 
had  come  for  that  particular  form  of 
slavery  to  die. 

Today  Mr.  Pullman  says  to  his  men: 
"These  works  are  mine,  they  belong  to 
myself  and  mv  associates;  the)7  are  rny 
property.  You  do  not  even  claim  to  own 
a  single  share  of  the  stock.  You  can 
then  have  no  rightful  claim  |to   interfere 


POLITICS. 


with  tm  management  o(    this    pro] 
I  *hall  tTM  urlv    snd    shall    psy 

aptly.     If  w>u  don't  like  m 

n  '..  But  I 
must  be  fire  to  manage  my  bnaineM  In 
the  \\  All    1    want  is  to  be 

let  alone  in  the  management  of  what 
yon  concede  is  my  property.  [f  inter- 
fered with  I  shall  let  loose  the  dogs  of 
.on.  l  have  a  right  guaran- 
teed t>\  the  laws  of  the  land  to  do  as.  I 
•ui  doing  and  if  yon  force  me  to  fight  I 

do  SO    in    ilffer.ee    of    the  dearest 
right  si  every  citizen;  to-wit:    the  right 

l}uire    and     hold    property,    a  right 
without     which     civilization    could    not 

So  far    Mr.    Pullman.        Mr.    Carnegie 
he  same  and  so  say  all  the  monop- 
In  real  truth,  the  thing  that  they 
will  hire  poor  devils    to   kill    other  poor 
devils    for,  is.    thai  a  system  wtay  live  which 
enable,  t/utn  to  absorb  the  profits    of   labor.       It 
is  the  old  story  over  again.     Slave-man- 
-  and  slave-owners    ate  one  in  senti- 
ment and  intent.       Upon  the  robbery  of 
labor  they  have   grown    great   and  mag- 
nificent.    They  have  sworn  that  it  shall 
continue.     That  is  all  they  want.     To  be 
let  alone — in  the  robbery  of  labor.      But 
it  is  too   much.       It   is   unjust   and   the 
time  is  rapidly  drawing    near  when  this 
form  of  slavery,  too,  will  die.       Advanc- 
rUeiligence    and      the    ballot    will 
make  it  impossible. 

The  United  States  census  has  some 
wonderful  facts  laid  up  for  the  inquirer. 
If  the  total  production  of  wealth  be  di- 
vided by  the  number  of  days  of  labor 
done  it  will  be  seen  that  the  production 
aggregates  more  than  fin  for  each  day's 
work.  But  the  average  wage  in  the  1  nit- 
ed  States  :--  only  about  <i 

All  wealth  is  created    by    labor.       Yet 
while  labor  creates  fio  in  wealth  n 
oly  has  announced    its   <:•  bring 

on  the  army  ai  -onKer    govern- 

ment" unless  $9  out  of  each  %\o  be  ob- 
sequiously banded  ovcr.  The  difference 
between  this  condition  of  affairs  and 
chattel  slavery  I  leave  my  readers  to 
determine. 


Professor  Kmile  de  Laveleye,  an  em- 
inent student  of  historical  politics,  says: 

No'democrwy  can  exist  permanently  if  its  peo- 
ple are  in  u  *tate  of  marked  material  itiojual- 
,l^  Voteil  who  Ret  from  their  I.tIkm  a  scanty 
living  while  others  about  them  arc  rich  wii: 
probably  in  the  end  seek  to  alter  the  laws  that 
in  inequality.  The  rich  will  support  the 
U  in  the  ai<l  of  a  dicta- 
tor. So  democracy  terminates  in  either  an- 
archyoi  despotism,  and  usually  Is  one  as  the 
result  of  the  other  Under  such  conditions  in- 
equality ifl  thr  cause  ot  its  downfall.  The  social 
problem  involved  in  this  phenomenon  troubles 
all  nations. 

Degradation    the     Inevitable    Re- 
sult of   Privation. 

In  1856  the  only  completed  railroad. 
I  think,  in  the  state  of  Mississippi,  was 
one  of  some  fifty  miles  in  length  extend- 
ing from  Vicksburg  east  to  Jackson, 
Hinds  county,  then,  as  sow,  the  capital 
of  the  state.  My  uncle's  plantation  was 
some  sixteen  miles  from  Jackson,  near 
the  Copiah  count)-  line.  Those  who  re- 
member the  political  sensations  of  the 
"reconstructioi."  period  will  not  soon 
forget  Copiah  and  its  bloody  record.  The 
cars  upon  this  primitive  railroad  were 
very  accommodating,  stopping  almost 
anywhere  that  a  gentleman  desired 
either  to  get  on  or  off.  and  so  after  what 
seemed  a  long,  long  time  I  finally  ar- 
rived at  my  destination.  My  uncle  and 
his  family  received  me  warmly  and  wel< 
corned  me  to  the  state.  Although  quite 
young  I  had  had  some  years  of  previous 
experience  as  a  clerk  in  the  city  of  Bos- 
ton and  it  so  happened  that  after  some 
time  spent  iii  visiting  I  secured  a  posi- 
tion in  a  store  at  Jackson.  Jackson  was 
only  a  country  village  in  fact,  though  a 
city  in  name.  It  bad  some  three  or  four 
thousand  white  inhabitants,  and  about 
the  same  number  of  blacks.  Uife  passed 
very  leisurely  with  these  people  then. 
Money  was  plenty,  cotton  brought  a  fair 
price  and  "niggers"  were  high. 

I  boarded  with  the  Rev.   Mr.  ,  the 

pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  church  and 
also  the  editor  of  the  "Witness,"  the  or- 
gan of  the  Presbyterians  in  the  South- 
west.      Mr. was   a  tall,  dark  com- 


POLITICS 


plexioned  man,  a  native  Mississippian 
and  I  believe  a  thoroughly  good  man. 
He  had  all  the  angularity  and  the  quaint- 
ness  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  in  fact  he 
looked  something  like  him.  Among 
other  property  he  owned  a  mulatto 
"boy,"  or  man,  named  Tom,  who  used 
to  pull  the  lever  at  the  printing  office. 
My  store  lay  between  the  printing  office 
and  the  house,  so  that  it  often  happened 
that  Tom  came  into  my  place  of  business 
on  his  way  back  and  forth  from  the  of- 
fice to  his  meals.  I  was  naturally  cur- 
ious regarding  the  relation  of  master  and 
slave  and  it  thus  came  about  that  Tom 
soon  confided  to  me  his  troubles. 

Tom  was  a  young  man  and  he  had 
a  young  wife  to  whom  he  was  very  much 
attached.  Indeed,  so  far  as  I  could 
judge  he  thought  as  much  of  her  as  if  he 
had  not  been  black.  She  was  a  house 
servant  belonging  to  another  master  and 
was  principally  engaged  in  caring  for 
the  small  wh  ite  children  belonging  to  her 
master,  who  was  then  talking  of  moving 
fiom  Jackson  to  one  of  his  plantations 
on  the  Yazoo,  some  sixty  miles  away. 
The  mere  thought  of  this  put  poor  Tom 
in  agony.  If  thus  separated  it  was  re- 
garded as  final;  such  a  separation  being 
like  death,  it  had  no  cure.  Several 
times  when  his  wife  passed  the  store  in 
charge  of  her  master's  little  ones  Torn 
hurried  me  to  the  door  to  see  her,  appar- 
ently for  the  purpose  of  proving  that 
his  description  of  her  perfections  was 
not  overdrawn.  Poor  Tom,  although  a 
man  of  twenty-five,  bright  and  intelli- 
gent, his  complete  helplessness  made 
him,  in   some   respects,    a   mere   child. 

Tom's  wife  was  a  peculiarly  fine  look- 
ing girl.  Although  quite  dark,  indeed 
almost  black,  there  was  evidently  white 
blood  in  her  veins,  for  her  hair  was  long, 
exceedingly  abundant  and  only  slightly 
'wavy."  Her  features  were  of  the  Cau 
casian  type  and  she  carried  herself  in 
the  proud,  self-confidant,  self-contained 
manner  never  seen  among  blacks  of  pure 
breed.  Seemingly,  she  should  have 
been  white,  or   nearly  so,    but   through 


some  strange  reversion  in  breeding  she 
was  born  with  a  black  skin.  Such  cases 
were  rare  in  the  South,  but  all  familiar 
with  life  there  have  met  with  similar  in- 
stances. To  say  that  Tom  was  proud  of 
her  would  be  putting  it  mildly  indeed; 
he  fairly  doted  on  her;  and  all  the  time 
he  feared  he  was  about  to  lose  her. 

Put  yourself  in  his  place  my  friend. 
Do  you  say  he  was  only  a  mulatto,  ig- 
norant and  incapable  of  feeling?  Ah, 
but  he  had  more  of  this  than  most  cold- 
blooded sons  of  the  north,  and  what  he 
had,  what  he  was,  came  from  nature, 
from  God,  was  his  by  right  divine.  Have 
a  care  dear  sir  in  this,  for  if  you  by  vir- 
tue of  superior  attainments  can  limit 
the  right  of  those  below  you  in  the  social 
or  mental  scale  what  shall  prevent  your 
limitation  by  those  above  you? 

One  day  Tom  came  to  me  in  tears. 
His  eyes  were  bloodshot  and  he  sunk 
down  on  a  box  in  the  store  limp  and 
disconsolate.  "Da  done  taken  her 
away,"  was  all  he  could  say.  I  tried  to 
encourage  him  all  I  could,  but  to  no  pur- 
pose. He  soon  took  himself  off,  a  woe 
begone  specimen  surely. 

After  that,  for  a  time.  Tom  did  not 
come  in  but  shuffled  by,  his  eyes  on  the 
ground.  I  soon  began  to  hear,  from  Mc- 
Gill,  a  yonng  white  man  who  worked  in 
the  office,  of  Tom's  general  worthless- 
ness.  He  was:  "Just  no  count  at  all." 
You  couldn't  put  the  least  dependence 
upon  him,  and  if  reproved  he  became 
sullen  and  even  "disrespectful."  Evi- 
dently he  needed  a  whipping,  my  infor- 
mant thought;  that  would  straigten  him 
out.  'Twas  the  only  way  to  handle  nig- 
gers. But  it  wouldn't  be  worth  while 
to  hope  for  that,  for  Tom  was  one  of  the 

slaves  left  to  Mr. by  his  father  and 

he  wouldn't  have  him  whipped.  But 
his  master  was  going  to  give  him  "a 
talking  to  and  threaten  him  good,"  for 
he  had  said  he  would.  Some  days  after- 
ward I  called  Tom  in  as  he  went  by  and 
the  whole  story  came  out,  as  I  knew  it 
would.  His  master  had  given  him  the 
"good   talking   to"    promised,    and  told 


POLITICS 


Idle  ioi  iiim  to 

"go  on"  m    about    that  girl, 

good  .is  <!<.'. nl  to  him 

.mil  that  as  he  was  a  likely  looking  nigger 

he  would  have  no  trouble   in  getting  an- 


week  .niil  month  aftei  month,  Pot  a 
year  past  the  Eathei  had  had  work,  never 
at  more  than  a  dollar  a  day,  and  now 
even  that  was  gone.  With  nerves  and 
muscles  weakened  and  strained   by  toil 


other  wifi  1,   and  that  it  he   and  lack  ol  proper  food   he   was   almost 


didn't  quit  his   foolishness   that    he,  the 

master,      would      be     obliged,      mucb 

it    his   wishes   to. send  him  around 

'.  have  him   whipped 

"Pat  man.'  said  Tom,  "he  married 
me  hisself  to  my  wife,  and  (passion- 
ately she  is  my  wife,  I  hear  him 
preach  bout  de  ordinances  of  God,  and 
he  tell  us  God  love  all,  bof  black  and 
white,  jus  de  same.  He  mus  tiuk  I'm  a 
fool.  Hut  my  God,  Marse  John  what 
kin  1  do?  I  jes  wish  I's  diad,  dat's 
what  I  do." 

Poor  Tom?  There  was  little  to  be 
said,  and  I  said  it.  Hope  and  the  pur- 
suit of  happiness  make  up  our  lives,  the 
live>  of  all  the  children  of  men.  Take 
away  this  and  what  wonder  that  men 
become  sullen  and  even  "disrespectful." 
The  other  day  I  heard  a  comfortable 
citizen  bemeaning  a  poor  man  with  a 
large  family,  who,  he  said,  wouldn't 
work.  He  was  asked  if  he,  the  com- 
fortable citizen,  could  furnish  him  work, 
and  he  acknowledged  that  he  could  not. 
Did  he  know  of  any  one  who  could  or 
would?  And  again  he  was  obliged  to 
confess  that  he  did  not.  And  I  hap- 
pened to  know  that  this  poor  man,  who 
was  really  fit  for  better  things,  was  anx- 
irching,  without  success,  for  an 
opportunity  to  toil  in  the  most  menial 
capacity,  that  thereby  he  might  buy 
hread  for  his  children.  That  the  mortal 
!  -  of  fear  of  coming  want  had  taken 
hold  of  his  very  life,  he  had  confided  to 
me.  The  family  I  knew.  The  children 
were  bright  and  intelligent,  and  the 
parents  were  intensely  anxious  regard- 
ing their  future.  The  mother  struggled 
and  pinched  and  worked  at  unwomanly 
tasks  outside  the  home,  that  she  mi^ht 
send  them  to  school.  And  all  seemingly 
to  little  purpose,  for  they  were  getting 
further   and    further   behind,  week  after 


desperate.      lie  was  certainly  despairing. 
What    could    be    do?       Why    should    he 
worki       Life   to   him   was   a  treadmill. 
Hope  in  the  future  was  gone,  even  if  the 
much  sought  for  "work"  was  given  him. 
Why  should  he  struggle   on,  only  to  fail 
in  life's  purpose  at  last?      With  him  the 
question  was    raised,    so   well   stated  by 
the  poet: 
To  be,  or  not  to  be;  that  in  the  question: 
Whether  Us  nobler  In  the  mind  to  suffer 
The  slinks  and  arrows  of  outrageous  tor  tune, 
Or  to  take  up  arms  against  a  sea  of  troubles, 
And  by  opposing  end  them? 
The   laws   governing     the   science   of 
mathematics  are  no  surer    in  their  oper- 
ation than  the  laws  controlling  poor  hu- 
man nature.     They  are  absolute  and  can 
not  be  infringed    without   suffering   and 
consequent  degradation;  and   who  so  as- 
sists, even  in  the  remotest  degree,  in  the 
degradation  of  "the    image   of  God"  let 
him  tremble,  for  all  the  powers   of  earth 
and  air  are  pledged  to   his    punishment. 
Men  and  women  must  be   able    to  hope. 
Some  small  gain  must  be  theirs.       "The 
pursuit  of  happiness,"    that   inalienable 
right  of  man,  must  not  be    made  impos- 
sible. 

But  who  is  to  blame  for  the  unchris- 
tian system  under  which  increasing  mil- 
lions are  perishing  in  the  finer  aspira- 
tions and  hopes  of  life?  Tom's  master 
was  not  to  blame  for  the  creation 
of  the  institution  of  slavery.  It 
came  before  his  day.  But  if  his  eyes 
had  been  opened — as  yours,  my  friend, 
are  to  the  evils  of  the  present  time — he 
could  not  have  been  blameless  did  he 
not  raise  his  voice  against  it.  He  could 
have  borne  testimony,  he  could  have 
protested  in  the  name  of  a  just  God  and 
an  outraged  humanity,  and  so  can  you 
today.  Why  sympathize  with  Tom  and 
deny  the  claims  of  your  white  brother 
and  his  children  in  the  next  street? 


POLITICS 


ii 


My  store  in  Jackson  was  on  the  mam 
street  and  nearly  opposite  the  capitol, 
a  somewhat  pretentious  building,  built 
or  a  yellowish  native  stone,  "adorned" 
in  front  with  massive  "Grecian"  col- 
umns, built  of  brick  and  plaster  covered 
with  a  composition,  supposed  to  imitate 
stone.  It  was  surrounded  by  an  iron 
fence,  but  the  gates  were  always  open 
and  the  grounds  generally  were  not  only 
open  to  the  public  but  were  somewhat 
ill-kept  and  wore  an  air  of  dilapidation. 
One  day  I  noticed  a  small  crowd  of  men 
standing  about  the  capitol  steps  and  on 
enquiring  the  occasion  of  the  gathering 
was  told  that  the  sheriff  was  going  to 
sell,  on  execution,  a  negro  woman.  I 
had  never  seen  a  sale  of  this  character 
and  hurried  over  and  mingled  with  the 
crowd.  Seated  on  the  capitol  steps  was 
a  rather  small  dark  brown  woman — pure 
blacks  were  the  exception  in  all  south- 
ern towns — apparently  about  thirty-five 
years  of  age.  Her  face  was  a  study. 
Evidently  she  was  rather  more  intelli- 
gent than  theaverage  "corn-field  hand," 
but  it  was  impossible  to  make  out  her 
feelings.  Plainly,  she  had  schooled 
herself  in  the  matter  of  hiding  her 
thoughts.  Her  face  told  nothing  and 
was  as  impassive  as  that  of  a  beast.  She 
was  not  bad  looking  by  anymeans  and 
yet  no  gleam  of  the  intelligence  within 
shone  upon  her  countenance.  While 
still  studying  her  looks  a  big  strong 
armed  negro  man  came  through  the 
gates,  close  by,  bearing  upon  his  head 
a  dry  goods  box,  brought  from  a  store 
at  hand.  The  box  was  placed  upon  the 
ground  near  the  steps  and  the  sheriff 
placing  his  hand  upon  the  woman's 
shoulder,  said:  ''Come  girl,  be  lively 
now;  look  pleasant  and  may  be  you'll 
get  a  good  master."  His  manner  was 
not  unkind  and  the  "girl"  rose  and 
stepped  upon  the  box;  it  was  not  more 
than  two  feet  in  height  and  the  crowd, 
composed  entirely  of  men  and  boys, 
gathered  about  it.  '-Gentlemen."  said 
the  sheriff,  "I  am  about  to  offer  at  pub- 
lic sale  the  girl  Ann,  taken    as  the  prop- 


erty  of to  satisfy   a  judgment 

held  by .     She  is  supposed  to  be 

about  thirty  years  of  age  and  is  warrant- 
ed free  from  disease  or  blemish.  Now, 
gentlemen,  how  much  am  I  bid?"  The 
sheriff  was  here  interrogated  regarding 
the  breeding  qualities  of  the  "property" 
offered  for  sale  and  replied:  "O,  she'll 
breed  fast  enough,  only  give  her  a 
chance."  This  caused  a  rude  guffaw  to 
go  around,  but  the  subject  of  the  remark 
made  no  sign,  her  face  was  as  impassive 
as  ever.  It  was  further  elicited  in  this 
way  that  she  had  borne  children,  but 
nothing  <rnore.  Nothing  was  said  of 
them,  of  their  age  or  where  they  were. 
The  mother  heard  but  she  heeded  not. 
In  the  usual  attempt  at  talk  made  by 
the  auctioneer  he  several  times  told  her 
to  "brighten  up  now  a  bit;  show  your 
ivories  for  the  gentlemen,"  and  the  like, 
but  she  seemed  not  to  hear  and  looked 
straight  ahead.  A  man  in  the  crowd 
asked  to  see  her  teeth  and  she  opened 
her  mouth  disclosing  a  good  set.  An- 
other with  his  cane  poked  her  in  the 
breast,  "to  see  if  there  was  anything 
there,"  he  explained,  and  afterward 
with  the  same  instrument  partly  lifted 
her  dress  to  see  what  kind  of  legs  she 
stood  on.  Other  than  this  nothing  very 
offensive  was  said  or  done.  The  crowd 
was  not  ill  disposed;  no  harm  was  in- 
tended and  the  man  who  took  the  most 
liberties  was  only  taking  ordinary  and 
proper  precautions  in  the  purchase  of 
expensive  property,  for  he  intended  to, 
and  finally  did  buy  her,  at  eight  hun- 
dred and  fifty  dollars.  This  was  the 
first  time  I  had  seen  a  human  being  put 
upon  the  auction  block  and  the  occur- 
ence made  upon  me  a  deep  and  lasting 
impression.  Now,  I  can  see  that  depriva- 
tion, come  from  what  source  and  cause 
it  may,  necessitates  degradation.  Who- 
ever deprives  humanity  degrades  it  as 
certainly  as  effect  follows  cause.  Slav- 
ery deprived  men  and  women  and  im- 
mediately degraded  them  to  the  level  of 
brutes. 
So  today,  by  the  cunning  machinery  of 


POLITICS 


the   God   given 
11  human 

Done,  too, 

mil  women  who 

d   have  we  nol 

done    man]    wonderful 

Verily,   they   knownotwhat 

do. 

Thoi  Ij  le,   Unit   great    Brglish 

this  in  his  COOl 

BriUi 

of  recking  peatil 
ilgotha 

of  soul-  av  ' 


tiir  lemon— -.in!    and    i  couldn't   k1''   M 

•  i  u ouldn'l  ii.i\( 
i. n  i  saw  hi-  dear  dead  face  in  the 
coffin  tfl  hadn't  thought  how  he  wanted  that 
drink  and  and  [couldn't  get  it.  [wake  up 
in  the  night  and  think  ■  >!  u  until  ii  Beema  ;is  ii 
it  w  ill  ill  n  r  me  wild." 

The  woman  lived   in   a   tenement  and 
made  pants  at  85  cents  a  d< 

The  other  day  I  received  a  letter  from 
a  kind  old  huh  who  said  that  when  she 
ol  the  misery  of  the  poor  people  in 
the  cities  that  it  made  her  feel  wonder- 
fully thankful  to  God  who  had  placed 
her  in  so  comfortable  a   position.       She 


>    men  work-    ought  to    have    been    ashamed    to    utter 


nig  th  to  death,  and  three  mil 

lion  paupers  rotting  in  [diced  Idlei 

the  needle  women  to  die. 

m  column  after   column   of  similar 
:r  public    prints    the  fol- 
lowing is   clipped    from    the    New  York 
Sun: 

I)or;.  i  invalid  huab&Jld 

and  two  children  in  sucl  kl  there  may 

nee  rooms  in  a  il-  :i  a  di- 

lapidated   row.  it;  ted    part     ol 

Nineteenth  -  by  making  \e-t-. 

Carhartwh--  mei8centa 


such  a  thought.  Desire  to  seek  out  and 
Bave  the  poor  victims  of  man's  inhuman- 
ity should  have  swallowed  up  every 
other  emotion.  If  God  placed  her  in  a 
comfortable  position  did  he  also  place 
the  poor  girls  of  the  cities  in  such  an 
one  as  to  insure  their  temptation,  and 
their  fall?     What  blasphemy! 


The  Robbery  of  Labor. 

That  deprivation  does  mean,  and  ne- 
■  .1  it  took  me  a  whole  day  to  do  fvo  cessitate,  degradation  all  careful  ob- 
and  I  had  to  pay  for  the  butt 
Its  worse  than  death  to  the  young  women  that's 
what!'  They  try  this  sewing 

-  ion  see   that   there  is  no  hope 
fot  them  at  hone-'  I  hey  just  go  to  the 

bad.     I  it  happen  over  and  over  again 

and  a  Bven  it  they 

see   what  they  rn 
if  th>- 

ir  of  the  Think    of   it!! 


servers  are  agreed.  Well  fed  dogs  are 
not  apt  to  quarrel.  But  let  them  feel 
the  pangs  of  hunger,  then  throw  them 
together  and  the  weakest  soon  will  suf- 
fer. Gentlemen  of  wealth  associate  with 
mutual  expressions  of  regard.  Throw 
these  same  men  together,  in  an  open 
boat  from  foundered  ship,  and  when  the 
11  me  that   chattel  slav-    bread  and  water   are   gone  wolfish  eyes 


■moral    compared    to    th< 

.  here   merely  hinted  at, 

ill  know    exi-ts    in  appal- 

rtions? 

No,  no,  it  my  judge 

:  l>etter  s;  d    much  to 

•  d. 
1  this  from  the  C  hronule. 


will  be  cast  from  one  to  another  in  the 
search  for  the  easiest  taken  life.  They 
then  suffer  deprivation.  Degradation 
has  begun.  Take  the  best  and  most  af- 
fectionate family  you  know;  deprive 
them  of  their  property;  take  from  them 
the  means  of  living  honestly,  decently 
and    comfortably,     confine     them    in    a 


newly   made    widow    with   four   small    loathsome  tenement  house  in  some  great 

city  and  when  hope  is  gone  they  are 
ready  for  crime.  Or,  if,  by  chance,  the 
elders  ''die  and  make  no  sign"  their 
children  will  suffer  in  their  stead — "even 
unto  the  third  and  fourth  generation." 
And  what  of  the  almost  countless  thous- 


rhildr-  king: 

'lay  I  wanted  a  bushel  of   coal    hut  I  onlv 

,  cents.       The  mat 

he  would  wait  until  I  could  pay  the  rest       Then 

■sband   wanted   a   sour     drink:   he   had  a 

ng  lever,  poor  fellow,  and  wanted  a  lemon 

•   ;  didn't  have   the   two 


POLITICS 


i3 


ands  of  the  deprived  and  degraded  chil- 
dren of  poverty?  Do  not  the  "slums" 
bring  forth  thieves  and  prostitutes?  And 
you  knew  it  would  be  so.  "Do  men 
gather  grapes  of  thorns,  or  figs  of  this- 
tles?" But  who  are,  and  have  b^en,  re- 
sponsible for  the  conditions  which  de- 
prive? These  are  questions  political, 
and  politics  in  future  must  chiefl}'  deal 
with  the  economic  issue. 

In  the  year  1S60  I  was  engaged  in 
keeping  a  store  and  running  a  postoffice 
at  Terry's  Station,  sixteen  miles  south 
of  Jackson,  on  the  then  newly  built 
New  Orleans,  Jackson  and  Great  North- 
ern Railroad,  now  a  part  of  the  Illinois 
Central's  Chicago  and  New  Orleans 
line.  The  owner  of  the  store  and  the 
holder  of  the  commission  was  a  practic- 
ing physician  busily  engaged  in  his  pro- 
fession. I  was  only  a  deputy  p.  m.,  but 
I  did  the  work.  Three  lines  of  stages 
ran  out  from  Terry's  and  all  carried 
mail.  Opposite  the  store  stood  the  stage 
stable,  belonging  to  Mr.  Terry,  who  was 
also  the  mail  contractor.  Terry  was  a 
fat,  jolly  man  about  forty  years  of  age, 
living  upon  his  plantation  about  a  mile 
away.  He  had  a  fine  plantation,  a  most 
estimable  family  and  about  sixty  negroes. 
His  business  of  carrying  mails  and  pass- 
engers gave  him  opportunity  and  ex- 
cuse for  a  good  deal  of  traveling  about, 
which  I  am  ir.clined  to  think  he  liked 
very  much  better  than  staying  at  home; 
not  at  all  remarkable  for  most  men  with 
his  opportunities  would  have  done  as 
he  did.  He  often  made  trips  to  Cincin- 
nati to  buy  horses  and  supplies  and  once 
a  year,  at  least,  went  to  Washington,  so 
that  he  was  pretty  well  informed  regard- 
ing the  North,  Northern  affairs  and 
opinions.  He  had  a  pass  on  the  rail- 
road and  made  frequent  trips  to  New 
Orleans.  As  he  often  went  away  and  re- 
turned on  trains  passing  Terry's  during 
the  night  he  had  a  room  fitted  up  for  his 
occupancy  at  the  stable,  and  as  I  slept 
in  the  store  it  so  happened  that  he  was 
a  frequent  visitor  at  all  hours  of  the  day, 
and  night.       As   I   have  stated  he  was  a 


most  companionable  man,  a  great 
talker  and  also  a  particular  friend  of 
my  uncle's,  whose  plantation  lay  some 
three  miles  away  in  another  direction. 
It  thus  came  about  that  he  often  freely 
and  frankly  gave  me  his  opinions  re- 
garding slavery.  I  remember  well  his 
saying:  "O,  I  suppose  'tis  all  right  for 
I  don't  know  what  the  negroes  would  do 
without  masters  to  direct  them,  unless, 
as  is  quite  probable,  they  fell  back  into 
barbarism.  That's         what  took 

place  in  San  Domingo.  But  it  is 
all  a  great  humbug  for  us;  there  is  no 
pleasure  in  it,  and  what  is  worse  there 
is  no  money  in  it,  or  but  little.  Fact  is, 
it  is  not  profitable  to  us,  here  on  the  hill 
lands.  No  one  of  us  can  make  more 
than  two  per  cent  per  annum  on  his  cap- 
ital. Some  on  the  rich  bottom  lands 
may  make  more,  but  they  are  liable  to 
overflow  and  to  lose  everything.  Then, 
too,  just  think  of  it,  I  sleep  with  a  re- 
volver under  my  pillow  and  a  double 
barreled  shot  gun  right  within  reach  at 
the  head  of  my  bed.  And  the  women 
are  always  afraid  of  the  niggers  rising, 
so  that  they  are  frightened  half  out  of 
their  wits,  if  there  happen  to  be  a  little 
more  noise  than  usual  at  the  'quarters' 
of  a  night." 

Mr.  Terry  told  the  truth  straight  as  a 
string.  For  it  a  was  fact  that  even  with 
large  capital  it  was  almost  impossible 
for  men  in  his  position,  with  cotton  at 
9  to  11  cents,  the  price  then,  to  make 
both  ends  meet,  if  they  happened  upon 
a  poor  crop  year  or  lost  a  "nigger"  or 
two;  their  profits,  where  any  were  made, 
came  from  the  monopoly  of  land,  of 
which  they  held  large  areas.  The 
small  planters,  the  men  with  four  or 
five  negroes,  who  worked  in  the  field 
with  their  slaves,  and  worked  harder 
than  they  did — and  there  were  manv 
such — these,  were  the  main  stays  and 
props  of  slavery.  They  all  believed  in 
it — religiously.  Commonly  they  were 
men  of  little  education,  narrow  in  their 
views  and  full  of  prejudice.  But  the 
larger  and  wealthier   planters   had  more 


POLITICS 


I  rod  thi:ik;  generally  they  "Not  I,"  said  he,  "i  bad  do  arms,  and 

I  then  they  are  both  big    strong    fellows  and  I 

rth  or  hail  traveled  in  know  my  man  has  a  gun    somewhere  for 

rerry   1    found  specially  be  has  bees   seen  several   times  with  it. 

well  informed  and    wonderfully  frank  in  The  niggers    all     feed    and  harbor  these 

g     himself.     His  experience  in  'layouters'    and    I    suppose    they    have 

,  where  he  had  some  friends  or  re-  been  having  a  regular  picnic    for  a  long 

his  eyes.      He  knew  time-  past." 

well  that  be   was   farming  his  "But  didn't    you    try    to    capture  the 

land  and  working  his  negroes    "to  get  a  runaways?"    said  I. 

the    business,"    as    he  ex-  "Well,"  said  he, "I  rode  by  them  quite 
Md  it.  or.  as  I  can    now    see,  stated  carelessly  and  as  though  I  wasn't  think- 
more  accurately,    that   he   might  obtain  ing  much  of  them,  and   I    so  continued, 
the  fruits  of  labor.     He  took  everything  ""til  ]  «ot  out  of  sight  and  then  I  Put  my 
the   negro  had    in    the   world   and  yet  horse  down  into    a    dead    run  for  Andy 

somehow    the    '•business"    was   not  as    c 's-       And>    and   his  dogs  are  after 

profitable  as  at  the  North.  There,  some  them  now.  I  put  them  on  the  trail  be- 
friend of  his  had  "invested"  in  land,  fore  l  came  in  bere." 
was  renting  it  out  to  a  lot  of  poor  white  The  ne*1  <1av  l  was  standing  in  front 
people,  was  furnishing  them  supplies  of  the  store  when  the  cavalcade  of  man 
from  a  store  he  kept,  and  charging  inter-  stealers  came  in;  they  stopped  at  the 
est  on  every  advance,  and  at  every  crook  stable.  Three  or  four  men  on  horse- 
and  turn,  and  on  much  less  capital  he,  back'  a  Pack  of  eiSht  or  ten  hounds  and 
the  northern  robber  of  labor,  was   beat-  a  stalwart  man    of  color,    with    a    rope 


ing  the  southern  slave  holder  two  to 
one. 

In  those  days  I  knew  nothing  of  eco- 
nomics, and  I  think  Capt.  Terry  had 
made  no  special  study  of  political  or  so- 
cial economy,  but  he  had  "got  right 
down  to  business"  in  his  thinking,  as  I 
can  now  see,  though  I  did  not  then.  In 
short,  Terry  had  discovered  that  in  the 
robbery  of  labor  the  cunning  modern 
machinery  of  rent,  interest  and  profit  is 
far  more  effective  in  depriving  men,  in 
robbing  them,  than  was  the  outworn 
system  of  chattel  slavery. 

One  day  Terry  came  into  the  store 
saying:  "I  had  quite  an  adventure  a 
little  while  ago.       As    I    was    riding  on 


around  his  neck  and  hand  cuffs  upon 
his  wrists,  made  up  the  party.  The  end. 
of  the  rope  about  the  man's  neck  was 
fastened  to  the  pommel  of  one  of  the 
saddles.  Captured  and  bound  the  poor 
fellow's  holiday  was  over.  He  was  a 
fine  specimen  of  physical  manhood, 
strong  and  muscular.  Dark  brown  in 
color  he  was  what  was  then  called  a 
"griffe,"  that  is,  three  quarters  black. 
Hatless  and  shoeless  he  stood  erect  and 
with  head  thrown  well  back,  a  strip 
of  what  had  been  a  shirt  over  one  shoul- 
der, one  leg  of  his  trousers  completely 
gone,  of  the  other  a  shred  or  two  re- 
mained. Tom  by  the  dogs,  who  stood 
whining  and  yelping  by,  his  naked 
arms  and  legs  were  bleeding    freely;  but 


horseback  through  the  woods,  I  came  the  spirit  of  the  man  was  grand  He 
.  two  negro  men  that  have  been  hid-  knew  he  had  been  brought  to  the  stable 
ing  out  for  a  year  past.  They  were  in  to  be  whipped,  but  he  stood  erect  and 
a  little  open  place  seattd  on  the  ground,  threw  defiance  at  all  around.  He  bit- 
cooking  something.  They  looked  up;  I  terly  cursed  and  defied  his  captors  in 
knew  them  both,  one  belongs  to  me,  the  the  must  insulting  and  rebellious  man- 
other  to  B  .  ner>  They  merely  laughed  and  looked 
And  what  did  you  do?"  6aid  I,  "did  sheepishly  at  one  another  as  he  went  on 
you  speak  to  them?"  in  the  loudest  and  most  excited  manner- 


to  upbraid  them.  They  had  caught  him 
for  pay  and  were  now  to  deliver  him  up, 
caring  little  what  became  of  him.  They 
could  not  beat  him,  it  was  Capt.  Terry's 
nigger,  and  he  had  already  been  severely 
hurt,  so  they  "stood  it."  I  think  this 
was  the  only  time  in  all  my  life  at  the 
South  in  which  white  men  were  thus 
treated  by  a  negro  in  my  presence.  I 
could  but  admire  the  man — and  pity 
him.  Capt.  Terry  was  not  at  hand  when 
the  "boy"  was  brought  in  and  he  was 
taken  into  the  stable  and  secured. 

Terry  did  not  whip  him,  or  have  it 
done,  thinking,  likely  enough,  that  he 
had  already  been  well  punished. 

Chattel  slavery  could  treat  men  like 
this,  could  deprive  them  and  degrade 
them,  but  it  could  not  compare  as  a  rob- 
bing machine  with  the  modern  smooth 
and  insinuating  methods.  Now  men 
are  just  beginning  to  wonder  how  it  is 
that  the  holder  of  a  mortgage  can  make 
more  clear  gain  from  a  farm  than  the 
owner  after  he  has  added  thereto  his 
own  labor  and  that  of  his  poor  tired 
wife  and  all  his  children.  You  see  the 
devil  hasn't  lived  all  these  years  for 
nothing.  He  is  getting  "sharper"  every 
day. 

All  wealth  is  created  by  labor  applied 
to  what  are  called  "natural  opportuni- 
ties." That  is,  the  soil,  the  mine,  or 
the  sea,  etc.,  etc.,  and  their  natural  pro- 
ducts. In  economic  discussion  these 
are  usually  grouped  under  the  term, 
"land."  It  is  impossible  to  conceive 
of  the  production  of  anything  of  value 
to  man  which  is  not  thus  created  by  the 
application  of  human  exertion  to  land, 
or  its  natural  products.  Even  the  bread 
fruit  must  be  obtained  by  labor.  But 
ever  since  men  have  had  an  existence 
upon  this  round  ball  the  supreme  effort 
of  most  men,  of  the  ambitious,  the 
proud,  the  selfish  and  the  covetous 
among  them,  has  been  to  obtain  wealth, 
or  the  fruits  of  labor,  without  them- 
selves paying  the  penalty  of  toil.  And 
this  is  the  case  today  without  dimuni- 
tion  of  desire,   though   veiled   and   hid 


POLITICS  p£ 

under  craftier  and  more  subtle  methods, 
which  to  those  under  their  spell  appear 
legitimate  and  useful  and  capable  of 
complete  defence.  But  the  devil  is 
never  dangerous  save  when  he  appears 
as  an  angel  of  light.  Men  talk  of  keep- 
ing the  commandments!  The  first  one 
is:  "In  the  sweat  of  thy  face  shalt  thou 
eat  bread."  Here  reason,  science  and 
revelation  agree.  For  whoever  obtains 
anything  from  a  fellow  mortal 
without  returning  a  full  equivalent 
has  robbed  \  him  to  that  extent. 
"We  must  all  work  or  steal 
howsoe'er  we  name  our  stealing."  If 
something  less  than  a  full  equivalent  is 
returned,  a  ''profit"  is  said  to  have  been 
made.  But  all  profits  are  simply  so 
much  unpaid  labor.  Every  man  is  en- 
titled to  the  full  value  of  all  he  has  cre- 
ated. If  you  can  not  rightfully  take  all, 
as  in  chattel  slavery,  neither  can  you 
take  a  part,  as  in  our  modern  thievery. 
But  let  me  not  be  misunderstood.  The 
merchant,  who  brings  us  coffee  from 
Brazil,  is  entitled  to  reasonable  pay  for 
his  service,  but  no  more;  if  he  obtains 
more,  by  artifice,  by  combination  or  by 
mere  weight  of  money,  as  in  the  case  of 
Arbuck'e  et  al,  he  is  a  thief;  no  matter 
how  many  churches  he  bribes  or  preach- 
ers he  pays,  or  colleges  he  endows,  as  in 
the  cases  of  Rockafeller,  Stanford  and 
Gould.  And  the  little  thieves  are  just 
as  much  breakers  of  moral  and  ethical 
laws  as  the  larger  ones.  True  Chris- 
tianity is  forever  opposed  to  all  this,  for 
the  words  of  Jesus  prove  it,  and  our  mod- 
ern "Churchianity"  is  in  as  great  need 
of  a  "reformation"  as  in  the  days  of 
Luther,  and  every  clear  minded  man 
with  a  grain  of  sense  in  his  head  knows 
it. 

Rent,  interest  and  profit,  simply  rep- 
resent so  much  unpaid  labor. 

Lincoln's  second  message  to  congress- 
contains  the  following.  Was  not  Lin- 
coln a  prophet? 

Monarchy  itself  is  sometimes  hinted  at  as  a 
possible  refuge  from  the  power  of  the  people' 
In  my  present  position  I  cou'd   scarcely  be  jus- 


■ 

injj  here  f 

illc  In- 

nevtlo-  -t   Other*    t" 

it  i-  the  effort 
■ 
•!  the  government      11 

rued  that  !  liable    otilv  I 

unlesi 
•our'  I  ■omefcov  bj  Ibe 

• 
living  I  •  be  trusted  than  Iboae 

who  toil  up  irotn  one  leas  Inclined  to 

take  or  touch  aught  which  they  have  oothon- 

icndcr 
ing  a  political  power  which  they  el  read]  poa 
ad    which    if   surrendered    will    surely  he 
-■•  the  door  of  advancement 


.  ICS 

custom  lie*  concealed  behind,  "good  so- 
ciety,"     public      institutions      and     the 

church,  all  of  which  it"  he  be  attacked 
Immediately  man  their  breastworks  in 
bii  defence. 
in  the  year  1S62  British  bankers, 
Ing  the  prey  from  afar,  sent  to  this 
country  one  Hazzacd,  a  London  banker 
to  teach  our  "financiers"  how  to  coin 
gold  from  the  blood  of  their  country 
men,  hoping  incidentally  to  share  in  the 
spoil.  He  issued  a  confidental  circular 
to  ' 'investors,  '  one  paragraph  of  which 
is  here  printed.  Our  people  were  then 
new  to  this  business  and  although 
widely  circulated  its  full  import  was  not 


1  they  and  to  fix  new  disabilities  and  bar-    at  that  time  comprehended.     Note  care- 


dens  upon   them   until  all  of  liberty   shall  be 

That  so-called  free  labor  is  more  prof- 
itable than  slave  labor  all  are  now 
1.  But  many  do  not  analyze  this 
statement,  do  not  really  know  what  is 
conceded  by  it.  If  it  is  more  profitable, 
then  more  got    from    the   labor. 

That  is,  more  is  obtained  from  him  for 
which  no  equivalent  is  returned.  Think- 
ing himself  free  hope  still  beguiles  him; 
mere  ambitious  and  produces  more, 
and  thus  the  modern  manager  is  al 
lake  vastly  more  from  each  "hand"  than 
ilid  the  slave  holder  who  took  all.     Half 


fully  the  ideas  conveyed: 

Slavery  is  likely  to  be  abolished  by  the  war 
power  and  chattel  slavery  destroyed.  This,  I 
and  my  European  friends  are  in  favor  of,  for 
slavery  is  but  the  owning  of  labor  and  carries 
with  it  the  care  of  the  laborer;  while  the  Eu- 
ropean plan  led  on  by  England  is  capital  con- 
trol of  labor  by  controlling  wages.  This  can 
be  done  by  controlling  the  money. 

Thirty-two  vears  ago  was  this  pub- 
ished,  and  yet  it  is  probable  that  a  ma- 
jority of  our  American  voters  cannot  yet 
see  that  its  every  prediction  has  been 
fulfilled,  and  that  the  condition  desired 
by  "I  and  my  European  friends,"  to  wit, 
the    complete    dependence   of  the   pro- 


■  •r  tWO-thirds  of  a  large  sum  may  greatly    ducer  upon  the  controllers  of  money,  has 


exceed  the  whole  of  a  small  one.  And 
it  is  found  highly  profitable  by  the  mod- 
ern "captains  of  industry"  to  foster  in 
the  minds  of  those  upon  whom  they 
have  fastened  the  burden  of  their  sup- 
port the  idea  of  a  personal  freedom 
which  in  real  truth  does  not  exist.  Men 
who  pay  tribute  are  not  free.  But  men 
will  delude  themselves,  even  though  the 
tribute  they  pay  to  a  hundred  coni 


been  absolutely  secured.  "Wages"  in 
this  connection  meaning  not  only  the 
per  diem  of  the  laborer  but  also  the  pay 
or  wages  of  the  farmer  and  producer — 
for  the  price  of  the  commodity  produced 
is  also  completely  controlled  by  the 
same  means. 

Ours  is  the  "commercial  age." 
"Formerly,"  says  Carlyle,"  war  was  a 
business;    now  business   is   war."     For- 


and  smiling  robbers   exhausts   all    their    merly  war  and  the  plunder  of  a  foreign 


means  and  powers  of  payment.  All  is 
gone,  but  in  so  many  directions  and  to 
so  many  masters  that  they  fancy  they 
have  none.  lives  have  they,  yet  seeing 
they  see  not;  ears  have  they,  yet  hearing 
they  hear  not,  neither  will    they   under- 


nation  were  regarded  as  most  commend- 
able, and  God  was  implored  to  bless  and 
prosper  it.  Of  course  a  convenient 
I)eity  was  upon  the  side  of  "our"  nation. 
Outside  barbarians  had  no  right  to  a 
God  —  they    were    not    true    believers. 


stand.     And  the  greatest  robber  of  all  is    Then,  they  took  all,  and  put  the  former 
Shylock,    who,    intrenched    in    law   and    owners   to  the   sword.     Now,   we  make 


POLITICS 


'/ 


"war"  upon  our  neighbors,  taking  only 
a  part  of  their  substance,  and  plume 
ourselves  upon  our  "honesty."  Now, 
we  slowly  deprive  our  victims  and  lin- 
geringly  degrade  them,  congratulating 
ourselves,  meanwhile  upon  the  spread 
of  "Christianity."  Many  methods  we 
have,  but  the  end  sought  is  always  the 
same — the  robbery  of  labor.  And  God 
is  asked  to  bless  this,  too. 

About  the  year  1880  a  large  fortune,  re- 
puted at  a  million  dollars,  was  left  a 
young  man,  who  at  that  time  had  just 
completed  his  studies  in  an  eastern  col- 
lege. He  was  described  as  a  young  man 
of  good  habits  and  generous  impulses 
who  wished  to  leave  the  world  at  least 
a  little  better  for  his  having  lived  in  it. 
The  fortune  came  to  him  unexpectedly 
and  of  course  found  him  totally  unpre- 
pared to  undertake  the  weighty  respon- 
sibilities incident  to  its  management. 
Wishing  to  be  of  some  service  in  the 
world  he  did  not  fancy  the  life  of  a  drone 
living  upon  society  without  returning 
anything  in  the  nature  of  an  equivalent. 
Casting  about  in  his  mind  as  to  the 
course  he  should  pursue,  his  mind  was 
drawn  loward  a  plan  of  action  involving 
the  manufacture  of  a  certain  product. 
Thus,  he  thought,  he  would  be  enabled 
to  help  in  the  work  of  the  world  and  in- 
cidentally to  aid  large  numbers  of  peo- 
ple whom  he  might  employ.  But  he 
was  well  aware  that  he  possessed  no  par- 
ticular knowledge  of  the  business  that 
had  attracted  his  attention,  nor  had  he 
the  least  business  experience.  Under 
these  circumstances  he  knew  perfectly 
well  that  he  ran  great  risk  of  losing  his 
capital  if  he  engaged  in  business,  and 
resolved  to  avail  himself,  so  far  as  he 
should  be  able,  of  the  advice  and  expe- 
rience of  the  shrewd  and  hard-headed 
men  of  affairs.  With  this  idea  in  his 
head  he  sought  out  among  others  a  cer- 
tain "Napoleon  of  the  mart" — I  think 
Phil  Armour.  Of  this,  however,  I  am 
not  at  this  time  positive,  the  newspaper 
slip  giving  the  account  having  been 
mislaid.  It  was  printed  in  a  Chicago  daily 


and  at  the  time  attracted  no  attention, 
Armour's  answer,  upon  which  the  inter- 
est of  this  anecdote  hinges,  being  taken 
as  a  mere  matter  of  "business,"  the  at- 
tention of  the  general  public  not  having 
at  that  time  been  directed  to  economic 
questions. 

As  a  wealthy  man  and  being  armed 
with  the  necessary  letters  of  introduc- 
tion our  young  friend  found  no  difficulty 
in  approaching  Mr.  Armour  and  engag- 
ing him  in  conversation.  Stating  at 
length  his  business  and  his  desire  for 
advice  Armour  replied  substantially  as 
follows: 

"Of  course,"  he  said,  "you  will  under- 
stand that  I  can  not  give  you  special  ad- 
vice upon  the  particular  line  of  manu- 
facture to  which  you  refer,  having  had 
no  experience  in  that  direction,  nor  can 
I  give  you  special  directions  which  will 
apply  to  your  individual  case.  Every 
thing  of  that  sort  must  be  left  to  the 
time  and  the  man.  But  there  are  a  few 
general  principles  which  I  have  found 
reliable  and  upon  which,  doubtless,  you 
may  also  rely.  You  will  need  to  em- 
ploy a  good  many  people;  here,  likely 
enough,  will  be  found  your  greatest 
stumbling  biock,  but  if  you  keep  one  idea 
clearly  in  your  mind  you  will  be  able  to 
surmount  all  difficulties.  It  is  this:  You 
must  employ  no  one  who  does  not  make 
you  more  money  than  you  pay  him.  In 
short,  your  employes  must  make  money 
for  you.  If  you  can  manage  that  you 
will  be  able  to  accumulate  money.  For 
instance,  suppose  you  engage  in  man- 
ufacturing. You  must  be  shrewd  in 
figures  and  know  how  to  figure  out  the 
average  value  of  a  day's  work.  Get 
right  down  to  business  in  this;  find  out 
what  you  depend  on.  If  your  hands 
are  worth  $1.50  to  you,  as  a  permanent 
proposition,  you  pay  them  90  cents  and 
you  will  be  all  right;  that's  the  main 
point." 

Now,  tnere  is  not  a  particle  of  doubt 
in  the  mind  of  any  business  man  that 
this  was  "good"  advice;  that  is,   advice 


i8 


POU  . 


the   iiihii  construction.     H  was  bnilt  around 
I  yet  it    an  inner  court  after  the  oriental   fesh« 
taltng  from  men  and  women    ion.      This   innei    court,  or  arcade,  was 
laven    roofedovei  with  glass  and   made  quite  a 
in  such  a  depi  dependent  us  and  satisfactory  place  for  tht 

•  iorf  help  them-   hotel  loungers  and  for  the  transaction 
tan  conldthe  negroes  in  chattel   of  business,  <>ne  end,  or  side,  was  some- 
D    and    the   power  of    times  occupied  by  slaves  there  exhibited 
money  have  destroyed  the  ability  of  the    for  sale.      One  side  had  a  long  counter 
•   to  employ  himself.      He    0!  bai  with    polite    attendants    behind  it 
r;  he   becomes  a     who  sold  fancy  drinks  and  "red  liquor." 
mere  machine,  a  cog  in  a  wheel,   which   The  slaves  ixposed  for  sale  attracted 
iny    tune   be     replaced    by    idle    from  me  a  good  deal    of  attention.      In 
lly  take  the    nearly  every  case  they   were   arrayed  in 
vacated  place.       And  these  idle  men  are    their  best  and  whatever   ornament    each 
a  ne.  rtofthe  modern  machine    possessed   was   displayed   with   more  or 

for  the  robbery  of  labor.       For  if  only  a    less  taste  and  effect.       I   remember  par- 
part  can  find  work,    humility,  cheapness    ticularly    a    lot    of  about    twenty-five  or 
and  "thankfulness"    on    the   part  of  the    thirty,  of  all  ages   and   sizes,    and    these 
laborers  are  very  much  increased.  They    were    it  then  seemed  to  me,  the   health- 
are  easier  For  if  there  are  no    iest,  heartiest  and  most  open-faced  lot  of 
unemployed  the  laborer  soon  becomes  too    slaves  I  had  ever  seen.       The}'   were  all 
independent   lor   the   master.       He  par-    brown  and  light  colored  people,  some  of 
his    freedom.        But    the    the  girls  being  quite  pretty.       The   man 
great  employers  of  labor  are  too  "wise"    w:o  had  them   in   charge   told   me  that 
to   allow    this.        Their     plan    will   not    they  were  the  best  lot  of  servants  he  had 
ithout  a  reservoir  of  idle  men.    ever  handled,  being   the   entire   lot   be- 
are  held  as  a  club   over  the  heads    longing  to  a   planter   recently   deceased 
of  men  at  work.       Knmity    between  the    and  now,  on    this   account,    offered    for 
two  is  encouraged.       If  union  men  fight    sale.      A  very  fine  opportunity,  he  said, 
'scabs  '  the  attention  of  both    is   taken    for  obtaining    servants    that    had  been 
from  the   sources   of  robbery.       And  as    well  raised   bv   a   man   who   took   good 
there  must  necessarily  be  large  numbers    care  of  them  and  brought  them  up  right, 
of  unemployed,  in  order  that   industrial    He   assured   me   that   there   was   not   a 
thievery  may  have  free  course,    men  are    blemish  on  any  one  in    the   lot.       After 
daily  deprived  of  the  opportunity  to  toil    this  I  watched  them  with   more  interest 
and   degraded    into   tramps.        Not   ex-    than    ever.        I    bad,    before   this,    read 
actly  "butchered  to  make   a  Roman  hoi-    "Uncle  Tom's    Cabin" — t   appeared    in 
"  but  really  degraded  and  beastial-    1S52 — and  could    not   help   thinking   of 
tzed,  that  our  false  and  perjured    "civ  1-    the  sale  cf  St.    Clair's   slaves   after   his 
ization  '    may     live;      that    fashionable    tragic  death,  whenever  I  locked  at  them, 
"dudes'    may  ruin  the   daughters  of  the    I  do  not  remember  that  I  spoke  to  any  of 
poor  and  their  fathers  occupy   the   bald     them    but   whenever     a   gentleman    ap- 
headed  row  at  the   ballet.       Great  Jove,    peared  who  talked  of  buying,    or   exam- 
where  sleep  thy  thunders;  and  thy  light-    ined  the  lot,  if  I  happened    to  be  near,  I 
will  they  never  strike:'  eagerly   watched  the   demeanor   of  the 
During  my  stay  iu  the  South  I  spent  a    captives  and  was  quick   to   notice   every 
month,  one  winter,  in    the   city   of   New    look  and   tell  tale   glance  of  the   eyes. 
Orleans.       I  made  the  old  Arcade  hotel,    Being  told,  probably,  that   it    would    be 
on  Poydras   street,    my   stoppi   g   place,    best  for  them  to  look   pleasant  and  jollv 
The  Arcade  took  its   name     rom    its  pe     the  poor  creatures  did  their  best   in  this 


POLITICS 


19 


direction, but  it  was  always  a  sorry  effort. 
Having  been  raised  together  I  presume 
they  were  mostly  related,  in  one  way  or 
another,  and  so,  of  course,  they  we  e  ex- 
tremely anxious  regarding  the  disposi- 
tion to  be  made  of  "the  lot."  Were 
they  o  be  kept  together  or  should  they 
be  separated?  This  was  the  constant  ter- 
ror  before  their  eyes.  And  one  could 
eas'ly  read  it  in  their  demeanor  and  in 
the  replies  made  to  questions  asked 
lhem  by  prospective  purchasers.  They 
were  treated  with  a  good  deal  of  c  nsid- 
•eration,  and  in  the  conversations  be- 
tween would-be  purchasers  and  the 
salesman  he  general  y  s  id,  we  1  esire  to 
sell  such  and  fuch  strvants  together,  in 
fact,  we  prefer  1  sell  all  together,  or 
something  of  that  sort.  When  anything 
of  t  :is  kind  was  said  t  was  wonderfully 
interest  ng  t)no  ethe  appealing  glances 
of  the  slaves.  Their  heart  were  in  their 
eyes.  O  he  dep  hs  of  human  misery! 
One  day  t  ey  failed  to  a:pe  ir  and  I  saw 
them  no  more.  What  fate  befei  them  I 
never  knew. 

I  remember  seeing  h  rd  losing,  dis 
j-ipated  me  1  examining  nd  prici  g  the 
young  women,  not  only  at  this  time,  bu 
at  others  B  it  t  en  men  were  forced 
to  pay  heavily  for  th  s  descripti  1  of 
i  roperty.  Now,  youn  white  women, 
tenderly  and  affectionately  reared,  are 
obtaine  1  very  much  cheaper.  Colored 
women,  in  those  days  had  little  idea  of 
what  we  call  virtue.  They  were  never 
disgraced  by  what  we  call  immorality, 
they  were  never  bando  ed,  knew  noth- 
in  i  of  the  shame  of  betrayal  and  in 
many  instances,  no  doubt,  their  condi- 
tion w  s  somewhat  bett  red  b  ■■  liisons 
of  this  cha  acter.  I  do  not  wish  to  be 
u  derstood  as  saying  one  word  in  favor 
of  immorality  a:  any  time;  I  am  now 
co  i  paring  on  e  il  with  another  and 
a  greater  one.  Then,  young  quadroons 
and  ctaroon-;  were  kept  in  concubinage, 
a  c  n  iiti'  n  whic  1  brough:  them  n  ■ 
shame  or  trouble,  a  condition  which  wa  , 
an  1  s  yet,  countenance  1  iy  the  Oil 
Testament   scriptures.        The  <,    slavery 


carried  with  i  care  for  the  laborer — and 
the  bond-woman.  Now,  our  system  de- 
bau .lies  young  white  women  and  casts 
the  n  forth  to  suffer  tad  oi  .  And  our 
system  is  chiefly  to  blame  in  this  mat- 
ter. The  chiefs  of  police  of  most  of  the 
gr  at  ities  having  united  in  a  statement 
— published  a  few  years  ago — that  the 
great  and  over  shadowing  cause  of  pros- 
titution is  the  poverty  of  young  women. 
It  is  caused  by  deprivation,  nd  depri- 
vation is  the  necessary  and  absolutely 
certain  result  of  h  :-ystem  built  upon  the 
robbery  of  labor,  which  we  call  "civi  - 
zation;"  and  this  systenr'good  society," 
the  chnrch  and  most  of  t  ose  who  call 
themselves  respectable  people,  approve 
and  defend.  But  the  deprivation  which 
is  defended — the  right  t  j  steal  by  law — 
is  exactly  and  precisely  the  "rig  t" 
cliime  i  by  the  slave  ho  der.  In  his 
day  h  •  was  supported  by  t'^e  lav,  by 
the  church  and  all  the  preachers,  in  the 
South,  and— they  said — by  the  Bible. 
He  who  refused  to  belie  e  was  an  "in- 
fidel." An  .  yet  thelegal  right  to  a  part 
of  the  labor  of  others,  claimed  by  re- 
spectable people  today  who  call  them- 
selves Christain  is  bitter  y  opposed  by 
the  Christianity  of  Jesus  in  every  word 
and  line  of  his  teaching.  And  yet  men 
who  pretend  to  represent  Him  are  found 
to  defend  the  doings  against  which  He 
launched  the  b  tterest  maledic'ions. 
The  scribes  and  phari-ee*  of  His  day  ap- 
pear again  as  the  wealthy  and  sancti- 
monious worshipers  of  our  time. 
"Whited  sepulchers"  they  are  and  the 
"  ead  men's  bon  sand  all  uncle -mness" 
with  vvhic  they  are  filled  come  from 
the  robbery  of  "these  little  ones"  whom 
the  Go  1  of  Nature  and  of  Justice  will 
surely  avenge. 


Capital  Versus  Labor. 

That  eminent  thinker  John  Ruskin 
says  somewhere  substantially:  "Where- 
as, it  has  long  beenkn  wn  and  approved 
that  the  poor  have  no  r.ght  to  the  prop- 
erty of  the  rich;  now,  therefore,  I  desire 
it  also  to  be  known    and   admitted   that 


POLITICS 


the  rich  1-.  n  bt  to  the  earni 

the  p» 

Kuskin  here  Stated  the    m  .irrow  of  the 

I  the  times,  the  question 

of  capital  vs.  labor,  with  which  the   pol- 

of  the    future    must    chief! v    deal. 

efforta  have  been,   tad  will 

•ne   to   be   made,     to  conceal   this 

from  tbe  minds    of  the    public.        Bat    t 

will  be  labor  toft,  it  cannot  be  longe 
done.  For  even  the  tariff  discussion, 
which  it  is  sought  to  blind  the  eyes 
!"  men,  is  made  to  hinge  upon  the  in- 
terests of  capitalists  upon  the  one  side 
and  the  supposed  benefits  resulting  to 
abor  on  the  o'.her.     The  time  for  'lecep- 


s  given,  nm  .is  indicating  the 
reeling!  Ol  opinion  of   the  writer,    for  he 

la  ill  talk  "t  an  appeal  to  force  in 
this  matter  as  not  only  unwise  and 
wrong  in  principle  but  also  as  tending 
to  establish  a  miliary  despotism   in  this 

ry,  but  simply  as  a  fact  indicating 
the  drift  of  public  opinion.  And  public 
Opinion  in  all  modern  countries  is  today 
the  real  ruling  power.  Sooner  or  later 
the  government,  even  though  this  be  a 
monarchy,  must  heed  this  power  behind 
the  throne.  And  it  is  curious  to  note 
that  this  general  feeling  that  modern 
civilization,  so  called,  is  shortly  to  be 
tried  as  never  before,  has  taken  possess- 


ion    of     thinking      minds     everywhere 

'   throughout  the  earth    in   direct   opp  si- 

tion  to  the   urgent   efforts  of  the   great 


tion  in  this  country  has  passed.  But 
men  who  are  perfectly  well  aware  of 
ive  not  vet  taken  the  places  they 
will  eventually  occupy.  Business  in- 
terests, the  hope  of  accumulating 
money,  desire  to  "hold  a  job,"  society 
interests,  and  the  like,  prevent  men 
wheie  from  openly  declaring  what 
they  know  in  tneir  hearts  to  be  true 

A  friend,  not  long  since,  engaged  a 
squad  of  regular  army  soldiers,  at 
Walla  Walla,  in  conversation  desiring  to 
find  out  how  they  lo  ked  at  political 
quest  ons  and  was  surprised  to  find  them 
fully  awake  to  the  issues  confronting  the 
countr> .  "We  know  perfectly  well," 
said  the  soldier  spokesman,  "that  the 
next  xreat  racket  in  this  country  will  be 
between  capital  and  labor,  between  the 
rich  and  t  e  poor,  and  we  know,  too, 
that  the  rich  are  counting  on  us  to  fight 
and  kill  po,r  men  for  them,  but  we  are 
all  poor  men  ourselves  and  they  will 
find  themselves  mistaken.  Of  course, 
at  first,  when  only  a  mob  here  and  there 
opposes  us  we  shall  have  to  shoot  as  di- 
rected, but  there  won't  be  many  killed 
in  that  way  and  when  the  real  conflict 
comes  on  you  will  see  how  it  will  be." 
■  mrades  agreed  with  him,  saying 
that  this  was  the  general  feeing  among 
the  common  soldiers,  which  they  took 
extreme  good  care  to  keep  from  their 
officers. 


daily  presses,  the  prominent  pulpits  and 
the  constant  teaching  of  tho-e  in  offi- 
cial place  and  possessed  of  power  and 
patronage.  For  all  the  e  and  many 
more,  have  hooted  at  the  idea  of  the 
possibility  of  any  conflict  between  c  ipi- 
tal  and  labor,  constantly  itera'ing  and 
reiterating  the  statement  that  the  inter- 
ests of  the  two  are  identical.  But  every- 
body capable  of  thought  knows  that  this 
is  not  a  c  >rrect  statement,  and  th  mak- 
ers of  it  simply  destroy  their  own  credi- 
bility with  the  intelligent.  That  is  all, 
'or  nobody  believes  it.  Everybody 
knows  that  however  it  may  oe  with  cap- 
ital and  abor,  taken  abstractly  and  freed 
from  human  relations,  that  the  pecuni- 
ary interests  of  t  e  capitalist  and  the 
abor  r  are  as  wide  apart  as  the  poles. 
The  "interest"  of  the  one  is  to  obtain 
t  e  fruits  of  the  laborer's  labor  without 
returning  him  a  full  equivalent,  that  is, 
to  obtain  somewhat  which  the  laborer 
has  created  without  paying  him  for  it, 
or,  practically,  to  hold  him  in  slavery — 
to  a  certain  extent.  This  same  '  yarn" 
was  constantly  dinned  into  the  negro's 
ears  in  the  days  of  chattel  slavery.  He 
was  told  every  day  of  the  year  that  he 
ought  to  "dig  in"  and  raise  as  much  cot- 
ton for  his  master  as  possible,  o  that 
th-  master  might  be  able  to  care  for  him 
better,    to  do   more   for  his  comfort,  to 


POLITICS 


give  him  more  holidays,  etc.,  etc.  But 
although  the  preachers  sang  this  song  to 
the  darkey  every  Sunday , and  his  master 
filled  in  the  rest  of  the  week  with  the 
same  story,  he  didn't  believe  a  word  of 
it.  Now-a-days  white  men  are  found  who 
believe  in  "protection" — to  masters. 
But  the  negro  knew  better.  He  knew 
he  would  only  get  the  usual  two  suits  of 
cotton  stuff,  one  wool  hat,  one  pair  ol 
shoes  in  the  winter,  with  the  short 
Christmas  holiday  and  the  usual  dole  of 
corn  meal  and  bacon.  That  was  all  he 
would  get  anyhow,  and  he  knew  it.  The 
richer  a  planter  got  the  harder  his  field 
hands  fared.  The  negro  saw  that,  and 
he  was  smart  enough  to  "catch  on." 
Northern  white  laborers  may  suffer  in 
this  comparison,  but  for  that  I  am  not 
to  blame.     Facts  are  stubborn  things. 

All  students  now  admit  Ricardo's 
"Iron  law  of  wages,;"  which  is:  "Wages 
constantly  tend  to  the  lowest  point  at 
which  the  laborer  will  consent  to  labor 
and  propagate  his  kind."  "Wages,"  in 
this  connection  including,  of  course,  the 
price  of  agricultural  produce.  The 
negro  "consented"  to  labor  and  propa- 
gate his  kind  for  the  "wages"  above 
enumerated.  Of  course  that  prevented 
white  men  from  getting  more  for  the 
same  kind  of  labor.  Resu  t:  the  mil- 
lions of  "poor  white  trash,"  and  the  de- 
privation and  consequent  degradation 
of  humanity.  The  Chinaman  consents 
to  labor  for  a  series  of  years,  without 
propagating  his  kind,  at  a  very  low  rate, 
and  wherever  he  comes  in  contact  with 
white  labor  the  result  is  the  same  as  was 
the  case  with  chattel  slavery.  Now,  the 
pressure  caused  by  combination  among 
capitalist,  competition  among  laborers 
induced  by  the  increase  of  population, 
and  the  enormous  weight  of  money  and 
the  constant  greed  of  the  capitalist  seek- 
ing to  obtain* more  and  more  of  the  fruits 
of  labor,  "for  my  money"  induces  men 
to  consent  to  labor  for  so  small  a  wage 
that  they  and  their  children  are  unable 
to    avail    themselves    of  the   privileges 


resulting  from  the  enormous  advances 
made  by  invention,  machinery,  science 
and  art  in  the  manners  and  customs  of 
society.  Capitalists,  bo  h  large  and 
small,  unite  in  saying  that  these  ad- 
vances are  not  for  the  laborer;  that  he 
and  his  children  and  his  children's  chil- 
dren, must  content  them  elves  on  the 
meagre  possibilities  of  the  past;  that  he 
and  his  kind  must  not  think  of  these 
things,  must  give  them  up  to  the  capi- 
talist and  be  content  to  labor  for  him, 
even  though  it  be  kno.vn  that  all  this 
advance,  all  this  invention,  all  thh  ma- 
chinery, and  nearly  all  the  science  and 
art  come  from  the  toil,  both  manual  and 
mental,  of  men  harrassed  and  weighted 
down  by  poverty.  These  are  the  fruits 
of  labor — of  hand  or  brain.  The  capi- 
talist has  create  1  none  of  these  things, 
and  yet  he  not  onlv  claims  them  but 
assumes  "the  right"  to  prevent  other 
men  from  enjoying  the  fruits  of  their 
own  labor,  and  proposes  by  means  of 
the  collection  of  rent,  interest  and  profit 
to  continually  and  forever  absorb  the 
fruits  of  labor. 

.  He  thus  denies  and  rejects  the  founda- 
tion stones  of  Christianity.  The  broth- 
erhood of  man  he  theoretically  admits, 
but  denies  in  practice.  Doing  unto 
others  as  he  would  have  them  do  to  him 
he  utterly  repudiates,  for  he  says,  prac- 
tically, that  the  laborer  must  not  con- 
sider himself  in  the  same  class  with  the 
capitalist.  He  creates  two  classes,  in  his 
mind,  and  denies  the  Christian  obliga- 
tion of  the  golden  rule  as  existing  be- 
tween the  two.  This  was  exactly  and 
precisely  what  the  southern  slaveholder 
did. 

During  my  stay  at  the  Arcade  hotel, 
spoken  of  in  the  preceding  chapter,  I 
made  the  acquaintance  of  a  nice  old  man 
of  color  who  acted  as  waiter  in  the  din- 
ing room.  The  hotel  was  run  upon 
"the  Europe m  plan,"  I  think,  and' 
guests  strolled  into  the  refectory  at  any 
time  that  suited  their  convenience 
There   never   was   a   crowd  at  any  time 


POLITICS 


and  t-.ii.-h  was  enabled  to  le:-urel\     while 

hour    if  hi  It    mi  hap 

:  th.it    it    fell    t  >  the   lot  of    the  old 

man  referred  to  to  wait  upon  me;  a  small 

gratoitj  made  him  my  friend  and  when- 

i  axed  he  made  i  eery  effort  to 

>et\e  me,  Standing  very  respectfully  at 
the   hack    of  my    chair    while    1    was  en- 

I  at  tlu  ta<  le.  A  certain  peculiarity 
in  my  diet  made  tl  e  old  man  think  that 
possibly  I  "  ight  be  a  Virginian,  and  so 
one  day  after  seeing   that  all  my  wants 

were  supplied  I  esaid,  speaking  in  a  very 
low  tone  so  that  no  one  in  the  room 
might  hear:  "Young  marster  is  you  turn 
ole  Virginny?" 

'No,    ancle,    Baid    1;  what   made  you 
think  foV 

"Wy."'    sai>l   he,    you    alius    wants    de 

bread  wiv  you  coffee,  and  dat  de 
way  (ley  <lid  in  Virginny,  and  I  fought 
vou  might  be  ram  dar,  in  mebbe  you 
cum  fum  near  de  place  whar  I  was 
bohn." 

the  old  man  proc.eded  in  the  most 
respectful  and  beseeching  manner  to 
relate  his  experience  I  became  greatly 
interested.  He  told  me  that  be  had  been 
sold  away  from  Virginia  mor  •  than 
thirty  years  before.  He  was  a  young 
man  then  He  was  parted  from  his  wife 
and  children,  and  though  long  years 
had  |  ■  r  had  he  heard  one  word 

from  them,  nor  had  he  met  any  one  who 
could  tell  him  anything  of  them,  and 
so  in  the  hope   o     heari   g  of  them    he 

:uestioned  me.  Poor  old  in  n.  Hi-, 
heart  was  in  his  voice.  Lonely,  old,  far 
from  the  scenes  of  his  yootb,  he  was 
withont  h  pe  -  r  j  >y  in  life.  II 
speaking  to  me  from  the  back  of  my 
chair,  bnt  becoming  inlereste  I  in  hi-. 
patbetic  story  I  turned  partly  around  to 
look  at  him.  Hifl  lip  quivered  ami  the 
tears  chased  one  another  down  his  c  leek. 
What  help  was  there  lor  him?  None, 
none;  nothing  could  be  done  for  him. 
Abandoned  of  man  and  bereft,  as  he 
e^i^of^^GocL__his   sorrows 


And  yet  thi-  man's  physical  wants 
were  well  supplied,  he  was  neatly 
dressed,  he  was  a  good  waiter,  his  w  rk 
omparatively  light  and  he  was  cer- 
tain of  a  support  through  life  and  a  de- 
cent burial  at  the  close.  What  more, 
thought  the  master,  could  he  askr 

Is  the  case  not  the  same  today  with 
the  capitalist  and  the  laborei '  It  is 
written  that  "man  lives  not  by  bread 
alone  but  by  every  word  that  proceedeth 
ou'.  of  the  mouth  of  God;"  that  is,  the 
life  01  man  comes  rom  those  ennobling 
influences  which  proceed  from  the 
Spirit  of  Good.  The  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness is  the  occupation  of  ^11  men  and 
women.  It  is  true  that  cue  seeks  it  in 
one  way  amd  another  in  another,  but 
this  is  the  business  of  every  man's  life, 
;orce  I  upon  him  by  the  constitution  of 
his  mind  from  which  he  cannot  escape. 
That  a  man  be  a  man  it  is  absolutely 
necessary  that  he  be  able  to  hope  in  the 
future,  for  when  hope  is  gone  man  is 
degraded  into  a  devil.  Some  small  gain 
in  one  direction  or  another  must  be  his. 
The  true  interest  of  the  laborer — as  is 
the  case  with  al! — in  pels  him  to  secure, 
if  he  can,  an  advance  in  the  mental, 
social  and  material  affairs  of  life;  to 
make  of  himself  the  most  possible. 
Every  intelligent  man,  every  religious 
man,  knows  perfectly  well  that  the  voice 
of  Gcd  is  heard,  at  some  time  during  a 
man's  life  within  his  heart  urging  him 
to  "come  up  higher";  he  knows  that 
this  God-given  desire  is  the  foundation 
of  all  social  and  moral  improvement 
among  men,  and  he  knows,  too,  that  it 
will  be  impossible  for  the  laborer  to  heed 
this  call  unless  he  is  first  able  to  make 
gain  above  his  constantly  recurring 
physical  wants.  The  first  step  in  mental 
advance  is  some  degree  at  least  of  mate- 
rial comfort.  Jesus  fed  the  multitude 
first,  afterward  he  preached  to  it.  The 
capitalist,  through  the  modern  plan  of 
combination  among  masters  and  compe- 
tition among  laborers,  proposes  by 
practical  deprivation,  in  the  manner 
heretofore  described,   to  prevent  the  la- 


POLITICS 


23 


fellows,  from  obtaining  just  and  proper 
control  over  his  own  labor.  Having 
done  this  he  reduces  the  wages  of  labor, 
which  by  means  of  the  advance  of  in- 
vention and  the  presence  of  the  unem- 
ployed he  is  enabled  to  do,  thus  pre- 
venting the  reasonable  and  proper  aspi- 
rations of  the  laborer  for  himself  and  his 
children  from  ever  being  realized.  The 
question  at  issue  between  the  capitalist 
and  the  laborer  is  not  only  a  p  litical 
one  but  it  is  in  a  most  eminent  degree  a 
moral  and  a  religious  one  It  is  the 
question  of  the  ages;  the  devilish  power 
of  greed  against  the  rising  claims  of 
humanity;  an  irrepressible  conflict,  upon 
which  wait  the  hopes  and  aspirations  of 
men;  for  until  it  is  settled,  and  settled 
as  it  should  be,  moral  development  in 
the  world  is  at  an  end.  The  multitude 
must  first  be  fed.  But  the  capitalist  will 
claim  to  the  end  that  he  has  "aright" 
to  some  portion  of  the  laborer's  product, 
for  if  he  could  not  possess  himself  of  it 
he  himself  would  be  obliged  to  labor, 
and  to  this  he  is  opposed. 

But  for  the  laborer  no  hope  appears — 
while  he  remains  a  laborer.  The  capi- 
talist, and  the  apologists  for  capitalism, 
tell  him  that  They  say:  "Work,  save, 
collect  interest  from  some  other  laborer. 
Get  some  form  of  legal  advantage  over 
men  poorer  and  more  dependent  than 
yourself;  do  as  we  have  done,  do  any- 
thing to  get  out  o1  the  position  of  a  la- 
borer; then  you  may  hope,  but  not  oth- 
erwise." 

And  this  too,  was  often  told  the  ne- 
gro. Trusty  negroes,  in  the  towns,  were 
often  allowed  to  hire  their  own  time, 
and  if  by  book  or  crook  they  were  able 
to  earn  more  it  was  their  own.  Some, 
in  this  way  bought  themselves,  but 
many  tried  to  do  this  where  few  suc- 
ceeded, Now,  the  pressure  of  capitalism 
upon  white  labor  is  already  so  great  that 
the  opportunity  of  the  white  to  free  him- 
self is  little  better,  if  any,  than  was  that 
of  the  black  bondman  in  the  past. 


hope,  are  looking  to  the  future  with  fear 
and  dread.  Despair  is  taking  hold  upon 
the  masses  as  never  before  in  this  coun- 
try. They  see  that  if  things  are  to 
remain  as  they  are  that  they  have  no 
hope  in  the  world.  To  assist,  to  uphold, 
to  encourage  men,  to  help,  in  some 
small  measure,  at  least,  in  removing  the 
evils  of  the  time  is  surely  the  noblest 
work  which  can  engage  the  human 
mind.  And  yet  if  a  mau  engage  in  an 
inquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  monumen- 
tal injustice  of  the  present,  and  make 
known  the  result,  immediately  most 
receivers  of  the  stolen  goods  of  the 
laborer  spew  upon  him  their  envenomed 
slime. 

Jesus,  the  first  great  labor  reformer, 
said:  "Ye  cannot  serve  God  and  mam- 
mon." But  most  of  those  who  profess  to 
follow  him  are,  practically  and  in  fact, 
engaged  in  an  attempt  to  prove  him  a 
liar. 


The  Labor  Question. 

Thus  far  the  argument  stated  in  these 
chapters  is  to  the  effect  that  wealth,  the 
power  of  money,  or  mammonism,  which 
is  the  controlling  force  of  the  present 
day  and  time,  is  engaged  in  the  effort 
and  attempt  to  secure  power  over  labor 
by  deprivation,  which  necessarily  re- 
sults in  the  degradation  of  humanity. 
Many,  no  doubt,  who  have  followed 
thus  far  will  refuse  to  assent  to  this 
rather  plain  statement  of  the  case.  They 
will  say  that  it  is  not  the  desire,  or  in- 
tent, of  the  accumulators  of  money  to 
decrease  the  opportunities,  enjoyed  by 
the  common  herd.  But  that  this  is  the 
result  and  the  absolutely  necessary  and 
certain  result,  of  all  their  actions  admits 
of  no  dispute.  For  if  we  look  carefully 
at  the  matter  we  see  that  the  power  of 
money  depends  entirely  for  its  force 
upon  the  absence  of  monej'in  the  pocket 
of  him  it  is  desired  to  influence.  If  all 
were  possessed  of  an  abundance  none 
would  be  found  to  perform  menial  ser- 
vice.      The    necesities   of  the  poor  form 


POLITICS 


money  mej  h.ivc   power,  It   is  essential 

that  Ktme  be  without    it    and    desire    it. 
[J  we  rapp  e*  •>    condition    <>|    -ooietv  in 

which  ever]  member  thereof  ii  possessed 

of  houses  .unl   lends,    Bocks  and   herds 
end  all  the  attribute*  endbelongingi 
vast  estate,  we  shall  at  once  see  that 

r  of  one  man  over  another  [fl  ab- 
-ent.  It  no  longer  exists.  If  the  holder 
of  all  this  wealth  desires  work  to  In- 
done  he  must  himself  perform  the  labor; 
for  those  to  whom  he  might  apply 
would  also  desire  him  to  lahor  for  them. 
If  each  possessed,  under  these  circum- 
stances, an  equal  amount  of  gold  it 
would  then  be  discovered  that  its  pur- 
chasing power  had  largely    disappeared 

The  final  results  of  an  equality  of 
riches  is  to  force  all  to  labor  in  some 
useful  capacity.  Rather  than  starve  the 
holder  of  the  vast  estate  we  have  spoken 
of  would  plough  his  own  field  and  dig 
his  own  garden.  But  if  we  suppose, 
still  farther,  some  great  convnlsion  of 
nature  by  means  of  which  large  numbers 
of  these  same  wealthy  landed  proprie- 
tors lose  their  possessions  and  are  re- 
duced to  poverty,  they  are  then  forced 
to  apply  to  those  who  have  not  so  lost 
their  wealth  for  employment.  Imme- 
diately, wealth  in  the  hands  of  the  few, 
which  when  possessed  by  all  had  lost  its 
force,  reg.ins  its  power.  It  has  now 
power  over  labor.  Before  it  had  not. 
And  its  power  in  this  instance,  as  in  all 
others,  depends  upon  the  necessities  and 
the  poverty  of  the  many.  Without  this 
poverty,  without  these  necessitief,  it 
1  lose  its  power  to  oppress.  Hence 
the  prevailing  desire  on  the  part  of  mam- 


Still,  in  spite  of  all  that  has  been,  or 
can  be  said,  it  is  probable  that  most  of 
mj  capitalistic  readers  will  refuse  to  be- 
lieve themselves  engaged  in  the  work  of 
depriving  and  degrading  their  brothers 
and  sisters  of  the  human  family,  or,  if 
compelled  to  see  that  this  is  the  certain 
result  of  their  actions  and  their  lives,, 
they  will,  it  is  likely,  shield  themselves, 
in  their  own  minds,  behind  the  laws  and 
permissions  of  society.  But  for  these 
laws  and  permissions  it  still  remains 
th  it  each  is  personally  responsible. 
Whoever  assists  in  upholding  these  laws 
and  these  conditions  is  responsible,  so 
far  as  his  individuality  is  concerned,  for 
the  known  and  certain  results.  Many  a 
high  born  and  well  bred  lady  dares  not 
think  of  the  horrors  of  the  slaughter 
house.  In  fact,  most  people  look  with 
honor  upon  the  brutalities  there  en- 
acted, and  yet  but  for  the  patronage  of 
the  wealthy  and  the  cultivated  and  the 
generous  by  far  the  larger  share  of  this 
carnage  wou'd  cease.  Wealth  pays  for 
"the  best  cuts."  It  makes  the  business 
profitable.  It  furnishes  the  incentive. 
The  high  born  dame,  during  the  course 
of  her  life,  destroys  many  lives.  Her 
riot  causes  the  lamb  to  bleed  and  die. 
In  like  manner  the  demands  of  her  sen- 
sitive and  perverted  nature,  in  many 
ways,  which  it  is  not  necessary  here  to 
specify,  cause  the  deprivation,  the  deg- 
radation, the  sorrow  and  the  misery  of 
many  members  of  the  human  family. 
Indeed  she  will  not  be  content  unless 
they  are  deprived.  They  must  not  as- 
pire to  equal  "their  betters."  Now  these 
conditions,  this  deprivation,  this  degra- 
dation, this  vast  misery  into   which  hu- 


monism,  capitalism,  the    money   power 

or  whatever  name  be  used  to  express  the    ™anity  in  the   mass  is   plunged  are   the 

prevailing  power  of  wealth,    to    deprive 


others  of  wealth,  to  deprive  others  of 
the  good  things  of  life.  (For  the  illus- 
tration of  the  estates  I  am  indebted  to 
that  eminent  thinker  John  Ruskin  and 
I  am  glad    in    this   connection    to   com- 


plain and  certain  results  of  the  laws  and 
regulations  of  society.  These  laws  and 
regulations  are  made  and  enforced  or 
repealed  and  modified  by  political  com- 
binations, and  in  no  other  way.  Hence 
the  consideration  of  all  efforts  to  per- 
mamently  improve   the   condition  of  so- 


mend  to  all  lovers  of  truth  the   works  of   ciety  is  the  legitimately    subject  and  ob- 
to  great  a  man. )  ject  of  politcal  combination.     This  is  po- 


POLITICS 


25 


itics — "the  science  of  government." 

Once  upon  a  time  during  the  earlier 
part  of  my  life  at  the  South  I  received 
an  invitation  from  the  young  ladies  of  a 
certain  family  to  attend  a  merry-making 
at  their  house.  I  was  told  that  the  oc- 
casion was  the  marriage  of  a  young  qua- 
droon house  servant,  the  favorite  wait- 
ing maid  of  one  of  the  white  ladies.  On 
account  of  the  fact  that  she  was  a  favor- 
ite her  marriage  was  to  take  place  in 
"ole  misstis"  best  room  and  was  to  be 
preceeded  by  a  general  jolification,  eat- 
ing of  sweet  meats,  ice  cream,  and  the 
like  by  the  "white  folks,"  the  house 
servants  and  a  few  invited  guests,  both 
white  and  colored.  The  invited  colored 
people  coming  only  from  the  specially 
favored  ranks  of  the  house  servants  of 
the  near  vicinity.  I  suppose  I  can  say 
that  upon  this  occasion  I  was  a  favored 
guest.  I  went  early  and  in  company 
with  the  young  white  ladies  of  the  house 
watched  with  great  interest  the  pecu- 
liar actions  of  the  colored  people.  For 
the  time  they  were  the  honored  guests. 
The  occasion  was  theirs.  And  it 
was  just  such  a  time  as  the  apologists 
for  slavery  would  have  chosen  to  pre- 
sent the  beauties  of  "the  peculiar  institu- 
tion." Although  the  white  people  kept 
a  little  to  themselves  there  was  a  con- 
stant mingling  of  white  and  black  in  the 
festivities.  All  the  slaves  were  quite 
tastefully  dressed  in  the  scarcely  worn 
cast-off  finery  cf  their  masters  and  mis- 
tresses and  the  greatest  good  nature  pre- 
vailed. Indeed,  it  used  to  be  said  in 
Jackson  that  on  Sunday  the  black  peo- 
ple out-dressed  the  whites,  and  if  bright 
colors  be  taken  into  the  account  I  pre- 
sume this  was  true.  I  remember  that  I 
carried  there  from  Boston  a  pair  of, 
then,  fashionable  $12  pants,  very  large 
plaid,  black  and  dark  green.  Our  older 
people  will  remember  that  a  short  time 
previous  to  the  late  war  large  plaids 
and  fancy  colors  were  "the  proper 
thing."  It  was  even  said  tha*  plaids  so 
large   were     used    that   two   men    must 


stand  side  by  side  to  show  the  pattern. 
In  those  days  of  slower  communication 
fashions  also  were  somewhat  slow  in 
making  their  way  to  the  West  and 
South.  So,  it  happened  that  when  I 
arrived  in  Jackson  with  those  black  and 
green  plaids  they  just  took  the  eye — of 
the  niggers.  "Boys  will  be  boys,"  you 
know.  However,  I  hadn't  been  in  the 
Southern  capital  a  week  before  I  had  at 
least  a  dozen  applications  for  "dose  pants, 
wen  you  gets  done  wiv  em."  I.  can't  re- 
member what  I  did  with  them  but  I 
don't  think  I  kept  them  long.  They 
were  too  conspicuous  there. 

But  to  the  marriage:  After  an  hour 
or  two  of  innocent  rollicking  fun  the 
bride  and  groom  "stood  up"  in  the  best 
room,  the  white  folks  were  given  seats 
of  honor  upon  one  side  and  the  colored 
people  crowded  the  other  sides  and  ev- 
er}' door  and  window  with  smiling  and 
expectant  faces.  I  th  n,  for  the  first 
time,  bethought  me  of  the  preacher  and 
asked  one  of  the  ladies  of  the  house  who 
was  to  officiate.  "Oh,"  she  said,  ''Jim 
can  do  that;  this  is  a  negro  wed  ling  you 
know."  I  had  not  been  long  in  the 
South  at  the  time  and  was  immensely 
taken  back,  for  Jim  was  a  slave  and  the 
plantation  clown  and  maker  of  jokes 
and  songs.  I  was  amazed  that  the  la- 
dies of  the  house,  ladies  of  the  highest 
"quality,"  church  members  and  perfect 
patterns  of  propriety  in  all  matters  re- 
lating to  white  society  should  thus  make 
a  mock  of  the  marriage  relation.  But 
they  did,  all  the  same.  Jim  was  called 
in  and  went  through  a  rigmarole  in- 
tended only  to  "make  fun.'  The  ne. 
groes  laughed  but  I  could  see  little  to 
amuse  in  his  gyrations.  After  the  "mar- 
riage" the  negroes  adjourned  to  "the 
quarters"  and,  it  was  said,  danced  all 
night. 

These  ladies  assisted  in  the  degrada- 
tion of  their  sisters  and  their  sex  with- 
out, I  suppose,  the  slightest  compunc- 
tion of  conscience,  and  so  do  ladies 
today  as  clearly  and  as  openly   as   then. 


POLITICS 

itly  iterated  and  ought  to  be  -ii>U-  to  combine   in  ordei  I  i 
"advanl                                  is  control  it;  but  do,  this    will    not   be  al- 
,.  t.  lowed  and  the  courts    are  set  in   uio- 
thatit  saved    the    white    women    from  tion  to  deprive,  in  order  that  humanity 
••;,„•                      Colored    women   wen-  may  be  degraded  and  the  relative  posi- 
re,  white  women  wen-  tion  and  power  of  the  capitalist  be  en- 
tile  degradation  of  larged  and  increased. 

ul  tiling.     This  Lt  has  been  well  said  that  one  maybe 

the  argument       Unchristian,   im-  placed  bo  near  to  a  cathedral   that   he  is 

moral  ami  ridiculous  one   might  truth-  not  able  to  behold  it.     His  eyes  see  only 

tullv                          •  is  the  sole  and  only  a  block  of  stone.       So   today   we  are  so 

lay   in    support  of  close  to  the  labor  question    that  without 

•  we  euphoniously   call   our   "clvili-  divesting  our    minds    of  the   powerful 

sation."       Pn                  om    toil  ami  his-  claims   of  self-interest   it  is   impossible 

ure  to  think  an  said  to  he  the  first  steps  for  many  to  heboid  the   immense  impor- 

ment,  therefore,  tanee  of  this   question   and    its   answer, 

must  hd>or   more,    that    others    be  that  greatest   socialistic   utterance   ever 

"saved"  from  toil.       This   is   the   ar_;u-  promulgated     "Do    unto    others   as  ye 

ment.     get    it    from      whom     you    will,  would  that  they   should    do    unto  you," 

whether  it  be  the   chancellor   of  a   uiii-  for  if  this  were  put  into  practice    an  end 

ignorant  millionaire.  They  woud  be  made  to  the  chief  and   princi- 

know  perfectly  well  that   the  imperative  pal  endeavor  of  mammonism,    now   the 

command   of   nature,    addressed    to  all  ruling  religion    of  the   day,    to   deprive 

mankind,    to    labor — "In     the    sweat   of  and  degrade  humanity. 

face  shalt  thou  eat    bread"— is  man-  Organized  labor, too,  has  its  motto.'"An 

datory  upon  all  and    that    no    man    ever  injury  to  one  is  the  concern  of  all."     In 

rer   will  escape    it    without,    in  sentiment,    intent,     and    meaning   it   is 

some  way.    throwing    upon    others    the  identical  with  the  saying   of  Jesus,    and 

burden  of  his  snpport.      Thus,  the  effort  vet    witness    ,  he    hitterness  with   which 

Of  life  being   to   secure   advantage   over  IIis  professed  followers  in    the   ranks  of 

<—    ">     lhls    feloilio«s  capitalism,    or    mammonism,  assail  the 

attempt  is  possible  without  our   own  in-  ,      ,     ,  ,  .     .,.         .«            .  .  .   ,,        , 

'           •  ,    ,      ,          .                    ,  men  who  hold  to  it,  as     anarchists     and 

crease,  provided  others  be  deprived.     If  .  ,.  .      -                                      L.        ., 

raz     ..  ,         .  socialists;  for  so  ignorant   are   thev  that 

it  be  made  twice  as  difficult  for  others  to  .      ,    .                                 .                    .     , 

in  our  dollars  the  value  of  our  »' their  eyes  one  term  is  as  applicable 
monev  has  been  doubled.  That  this  is  aud  as  opprobrious  as  the  other.  Scarcely 
the  effort  of  men  all  careful  students  are  less  bltter  is  the  °PP°sition  of  the  mam- 
forced  to    admit,    for    conceal    it  as  we  moists   to   the   motto   of  the   People's 

from  Other*— and  from    ourselves—  party,  "Kqual  rights  to   all   and   special 

theei                  :n  of  all  "riches"  is  power  privileges   to    none"— substantially    the 

over  men,  power  to  control  them  for  our  same   in    meaning.       For,  instinctively, 

advantage.       At  bottom    this   is  what  is  though  ignorantly,  it  is   recognized  that 

sought,  and  this  object  is    more   readily  somebody,  some  men,    some  class,  must 

gained  by  the  decrease  of  the    opportun-  be  deprived  and    degraded   that   the  im- 

of  others  than    by    the    increase  of  portance  and  illicit    gains   of  mammon- 

our  own.       Hence   this   is   the  direction  ism  be  not  decreased, 

generally  taken  by  men    who    would  be  And  this  deprivation  is  the  immediate 

rich.       As   an    instance   take  the  recent  cause  and   Darent   of  most   of  tQe   eyil 

attempt  to  destroy  organized  labor.  One  now  crying  for  remedy  in  the  wodd     Jn 

would  think  that   as    his    labor  was  the  England  it  has  been  proved  by  carefully 

sole  capital  of    the    poor    man    that  he  collected   statistics   that  crime   steadily 


POLITICS 


27 


increases  with  the  price  of  bread.     Stu-  lowed,  the  usual  wreck,    the   usual  ruin, 

dents  of  penology  all  know  that  poverty  the   usual    despair.       Society   will   vent 

is   the   greatest   single   cause   of  crime,  its  impotent   spleen   upon   the  poor  vic- 

Deprive  a  boy  at  home   of  innocent  en-  tim.       Already   the  principal  sufferer,  it 

joyment  and  if  given  an   opportunity  he  will  add  its  heartless   reproacbes   to  her 

"paints  the  town   red."       Deprive  a  girl  sorrow.     Churchianity   will  speak  of  the 

in  like  manner  and  you   have   taken  the  guilt  of  the   seducer — and   receive   him 

first  steps  in  tbe  manufacture  of  a  harlot,  with  open  arms  to  its  levees.      The  evo- 

The   horrors   of  the   French    revolution  lutionist  will  sigh,  tell  us  of  the  survival 

came  as  the  necessary  result  of  the   aw-  of  the  fittest,  but  offer  no   hope,    no   so- 

fnl  subjection  and   deprivation    of  ''the  lution.       For  us  it  is  left  to  declare  that 

third  estate-'    endured   for   years   in  sil-  the  creators  of  the  conditions   surround- 

ence.       Human   nature   is   like  the  pen-  ing  humanity,  the  High  Priests  of  Mam- 

dulum;  if  swung  to  one  side   it  will  rush  mon,  ae  chiefly  to    blame.       Comrades 

'toward  the  other.  let  us  pursue  them  to   the   end.       Their 

The  other  day    a   friend   told   me   the  methods  shall  be  exposed. 

sad  history  of  a   young   girl   in   Seattle.  

Her  father  was  a  farmer,  forced  by  the  The  Rights  of  Man. 
hardness  of  the  times  to  deny  his  fam-  The  competitive  system,  or  the  war  of 
ily.  Hard  work,  long  hours  and  poor  business,  is  slowly  dying.  The  trusts 
fare  tell  the  story.  Debt  and  the  pay-  have  shown  us  the  way  of  deliverance, 
ment  of  interest  money  swallowed  all.  Combination  and  mutual  agreement 
Home  under  these  circumstances  had  will  finally  take  the  place  of  the  present 
little  charm  for  her.  Her  parents  were  predatory  warfare.  But  in  place  of  the 
not  unkind  but  the  necessities  of  their  PreseUt  syndicates  and  combines  con- 
situation  were  so  exacting  that  little  trolling  the  vital  energies  of  the  nation, 
room  was  left  for  sentiment  or  a  display 


of  affection. 

But  knowledge  to  their  eyes  her  ample  page 

Rich  with  the  spoils  of  time  did  ne'er  unroll. 
Chill  penury  repressed  their  noble  rage 

And  froze  the  genial  current  of  the  soul. 


and  sapping  its  life,  must  stand  the 
whole  body  of  the  people.  Then  peace 
and  contentment  will  prevail  and  the 
pursuit  of  rational  happiness  be  possi- 
ble to  all.  A  new  order,  a  new 
age,    a     new     world,     will     have     been 


To  Seattle  she  came,    hoping   for  that    born  and  the  Christ  that  is   yet   to  reign 

'chance  in  life,"  that  ability   to   pursue   in  the  hearts  of  men  will  become  a  pres- 

happiness   which    is     the   birthright   of    ent  reality-     Back-  then>  to  the  owls  and 

bats   with   the   night     of  the   wretched 


every  child  of  humanity.  Great  God 
why  is  it  denied  to  any?  Half  starved 
mentally  and  supplied  by  nature  with 
that  fatal  embellishment,  beauty,  small 
space  of  time  had  passed  until  she  met 
a  man  who  seemed  to  her  immature  and 
unfurnished  mind  the  personification  of 
every  noble  quality.       He  promised  ev- 


past,  the  age  of  competition  and 
hate  and  war.  All  hail!  the  coming  day 
of  peace  on  earth  and  good  will  to  man! 
Speed  the  time  of  deliverance  and  of 
hope!  Help!  for  the  hard-pressed  and 
the  sorrowing.  "These  little  ones"  de- 
mand our  aid.  For  in  this  work  of  as- 
sistance he  who  hesitates  is   lost  and  he 


erything,  loaded  her  with   presents  and    wi10  doubts  is  damned. 


awoke  within  her  heart  the  divine  pass- 
ion. Her  life  should  no  longer  be  the 
dull  and  cheerless  tbing  it  had  been. 
New  visions  came  and  hope,  that  day- 
star  of  the  heart,  arose  and  flooded  all 
with  mellow  light. 

Alas,  poor  child,  the  usual    result   fol- 


Behold  this  was  the  iniquity  of  thy  sister 
Sodom:  pride,  fulness  of  bread  and  prosperous 
ease  was  in  her  and  in  her  daughter:  neither 
did  she  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  poor  and 
needy.— Ezekiel  16:49. 

Let  us  once  more  very  briefly  examine 
the  foundations  upon  which  we  as  hu- 
man beings  stand  in  this  world  of  ours. 


POM  L'ICS 


thei  men  have  from  nature, 

d    inherent,   <>r  nat- 
■  make,   in   pa 
.  the   nature  of  man;   they   are  in- 
ible  from  him.      To  circurm 
or  deny  them,  in  whole  or   in   part,   de- 
•  partially  the  man.   And 
inscribed  or  denied 
tible  and  justice   an  idle 
The    Aniri  na    Chart.i 

clear'. 

ideal    that 
I 

n  Inalienable 
llbei i>  and 
the  pa 

men. 

Jeffe  ntal   Con- 

thus  built  upon  the  only  true  foun- 

:.    the    inherent   ami   imprescripti- 

>(   humanity.       Whatever  in- 

is   wrong,    and 

not  o  hut  void,    and  hence  not 

the  moral  sense  of  society, 

aid  he.     For,  surely, 

no  ar.  needed  to   prove  that  if 

are    denied    natural,    that    is,  God 

rder,    security  ami 

ral  happiness,  to   make  no  mention 

-sible   among   intel- 

pecting   people.       To 

r  fortify    this    important   position, 

this  foundation  of  right   among   men,  to 

That  man's  authority  for  existence 

dm    to    happiness  rests  upon 

:  1    natural    law — the    hand    of 

een  by  man — and   that  the  de- 

by  men  of  these  laws   of  God  is  the 

n  of  all  political    disturbance,  let  us 

refer  to    that    grand    declaration    of    the 

men  and  of  citizens,    issued  by 

the    National    Assembly    of    France   in 

:   the  people  of  France, 

sidering 

cglect  or   contempt    of  human 

public  misfortunes 

ent,   have   !■ 

declaration  those  natural 

lienable   rights,  and  do 

recognize  re,       in     the      presence 

of    thi  Being       and       with      the 

hope  -ing   and    favor    the  following 

sacTed  rights  of  men  and  of  citizen1-    ' 

I— Men      are      born       and         always       con 
tinue  free  and   equal    i:  .!  their  rights. 

Civil     distinctions,      therefore,     can     only     be 
founded  upon  public  utility. 


ii    The  end  of  all  political  Basociationa  iv  the 

Iptible 
righta  .ii  liberty  property,  security  and  re 
gUtani  1  Ion, 

fefTerson  tells  us,  in  the  Declaration, 
that  governments  are  instituted  to  se- 
cure these  natural  rights.  Practically, 
and  truthfully,  be  says  that  unless  these 
rights  are  secured,  to  the  weakest  and 
the  humblest,  that  governments  have 
DO  mural  right  to   exist. 

Of  these  statements  of  Jefferson  that 
greatest  American,  Abraham  Lincoln, 
wrote  the  following  whole-hearted  and 
grand  endorsement: 

Springfield,  Illinois.  Api  il 

To  Messrs.  Henry  I,     Tierce,  and  others. 

Gentlemen— Your  kind  note  inviting  me  to 
attend  8  festival  in  Boston  on  the  13th  instant. 
in  honor  of  the  birthday  of  Thomas  Jefferson 
was  duly  received.  My  engagements  are  such 
that  1  cannot  attei.d. 

*  *  *  * 

It  is  now  no  childs  play  to  save  the  princi- 
Jefferson  from  total  overthrow  in  this 
nation.  One  would  state  with  great  confidence 
that  he  could  convince  any  sane  child  that  the 
simpler  propositions  of  Euclid  are  true:  but. 
nevertheless,  he  would  fail  with  one  who  should 
deny  the  definitions  and  axioms.  The  princi- 
ples of  Jefferson  are  the  definitions  of  free  so- 
ciety. And  yet  they  are  denied  or  evaded  with 
no  small  show  of  success.  One  dashingly  calls 
them  glittering  generalities;  another  styles 
them  self-evident  lies,  and  another  insidiously 
argues  that  they  apply  only  to  superior  races. 
-Mil-  differing  in  form  are  identi- 
cal in  object  and  effect — the  supplanting  the 
principles  of  free  government— and  restoring 
those  of  classification,  caste  and  legitimacy. 
They  would  delight  a  convocation  of  crowned 
plotting  against  the  people.  They  are 
the  vanguards,  the  sappers  and  miners  of  re- 
turning despotism.  We  must  repulse  them,  or 
they  will  subjugate  us.  This  is  a  world  of  con- 
pensations  and  he  who  would  be  no  slave  must 
consent  to  have  no  slave.  Those  who  deny  free- 
dom to  others,  deserve  it  not  for  themselves, 
and  under  a  just  God  they  cannot  long  retain  it. 

All  honor  to  Jefferson — to  the  man  who  in  the 
concrete  pressure  of  a  struggle  for  national  in- 
dependence by  a  single  people, had  the  coolness, 
forecast  and  capacity  to  introduce  into  a  merely 
revolutionary  document  an  abstract  truth  ap- 
plicable to  all  men  and  all  times,  and  soem- 
balm  it  there  that  to  day  and  in  all  coming  days 
it  shall  be  a  stumbling  block  to  the  harbingers 
of  reappearing  tyranny  and  oppression.  Your 
obedient  servan*,  A.  Lincoln. 

But  what  are  these  "inalienable 
rights?"  We  are  told  that  "among  these 
are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  hap- 
piness."    They  are  not  fully  and  explic- 


POLITICS 


19 


itly  stated.  For,  it  must  be  manifest  to  eminent."  No  student  will  deny  this, 
all,  it  was  impracticable  to  include  in  The  pages  of  history  are  full  of  corrob- 
what  Lincoln  calls  "a merely  revolution-  oration.  In  fact,  it  is  the  one  lesson  of 
ary  document"  a  full  statement  embrac-  the  past  to  which  there  is  no  exception, 
ing  the  rights  of  men  upon  this  earth.  The  downfall  of  a  nation  has  invaribly 
But  this  is  plain:  If  men  have  certain  been  preceded  by  the  exactions  and  un- 
natural rights  they  are  also  by  nature's  positions  of  a  favored  class.  The  nat- 
law  fully  entitled  to  whatever  is  given  ural  rights  of  men  were  ignored,  neg- 
by  uature  essental  to  the  preservation  lected  or  condemned.  Then  came  the 
of  those  rights.  If  men  receive  from  end.  And  the  end  was  the  natural  and 
God  the  right  to  life  they  also  have  from  righteous  judgment  of  God  against  those 
Him  the  full    title   and   patent   to   such  who  thus  broke  the  laws  of  nature;  and 


natural  opportunities — provisions  of  na- 
ture— as  are  essential  to  that  life  while 
it  lasts.  Air  is  essential  to  life.  To  deny 
it  is  to  destroy  life.  If  men  are  enti- 
tled to  liberty,  whatever  nature — or  God 
— has  given  to  the  race  necessary  and 
essential  to  liberty  is  also  included  in 
the  grant.  If  the  right  to  pursue  happi- 
ness is  inherent  in  man;  if  it  is   a   gift  of 


in  this  both  human  and  divine  nature 
are  included,  tor  both  are  equally  the 
will  of  God. 

Blackstone  tells  us  in  his  principles  of 
law  that  all  statute  laws  in  contraven- 
tion of  divine  or  natural  law  are  void. 
He  also  tells  us  that  all  valid  law  is 
based  upon  that  natural  and  instinctive 
apprehension  of  justice  which  finds  uni- 


the  Creator,  then  whatever   the   Creator  versal  lodgement  in    the  heart   of  man. 

has  provided  for  all    mankind    which  is  To  this  let   us   turn.       if  we  suppose   a 

essential  to  that  pursuit    belongs  also  to  company  of  people   to   be   wrecked   and 

every  child  born  into  the  world,  by  right  cast  upon  a  hitherto  undiscovered  island 

divine.      All  this  needs  no  proof.       For,  in  the   midst  of  the  sea  we  shall  shortly 

every  man  knows  that   the   right   to  life  arrive  in  our  minds  at  an  understanding 

is  denied  if  air  be  withheld.       And  so  of  of  the  rights  which  each  one  of  this  corn- 


other  essentials  not  here  specified.  But 
these  essentials  are  not  in  anywise  the 
creation  of  man.  Hence,  men  can  not 
rightfully  claim  to  "own"  them.  "All 
men,"  said  Jefferson,  ''are  endowed  by 
their  Creator"  with  these  rights.  They 
came  by  the  fiat  of  God  from  the  womb 
of  Nature,  the  common  mother  of  us  all. 
Wealth  belongs  to  him  who  creates  it; 
but  natural  opportunities  were    not  cre- 


pany  would  have  upon  the  island.  And, 
first,  this  would  appear  to  be  a  right  not 
only  to  life  but  also  to  whatever  existed 
upon  the  island  necessary  to  its  preser- 
vation. Each  has  a  right  to 
apply  his  labor  to  existing  nat- 
ural opportunities.  He  would  have 
a  right  to  fish  in  the  sea,  to  cultivate  the 
soil  for  the  support  of  himself  and  those 
dependent  upon  him    and   to   use   what- 


ated  by  man  and  hence  can  never  light-    ever  coal.  stone  or  timber  the   island  af- 
fully  be  the  sole   and   separate   property    forded     absolutely     necessary   to   warm 


of  man.  The  right  to  use  only  is  given. 
Thirteen  years  after  the  issuance  of 
our  Declaration  the  wise  men  of  France 
not  only  restated  the  rights  of  men  as 
"liberty,  security,  property  and  resis- 
tance of  oppression,"  but  they  also,  still 
further,  stated  the  self  evident  fact, 
"that  ignorance,  neglect  or  contempt  of 
human  rights  are  the  sole  causes  of  pub- 


and  shelter  them.  To  this  extent  his 
title  or  natural  light  would  be  ample. 
To  all  these  things  no  one  could  have  a 
greater  right  than  any  other.  And  these 
rights  exist  only  when  exercised.  No* 
man  could  then  say,  as  Henry  George 
has  said,  that  he  did  not  wish  to  apply 
his  labor  to  land  but  the  time  would 
never  arrive  when  he  should  cease  to 
demand  his  share  of  the   proceeds  of  the 


lie  misfortunes  and  corruptions   of  gov-    labor  of  others   when   applied    to   land 


POLITICS 

Should   one   undertake    to  d«>  Ihia   be  tag  the   size    "i    their     fields    and   the 
n  bit  true   light  as  a  amount  and  number  oi  their  products. 
mot                        ind   simple,   and   the  After  a   time,   having  settled,   or  built 
people  of  the  island   would   make  Bhort  bouses  and    cleared    fields,  in   various 
ons.  parts  of  the  island  engaged  in   the  pro- 
there  would  be,   there  could  he,  duction  of  various  crops   and   products, 
the  colonists.       Bach  exchange  of  products,   or   trade,   gradu- 
among   them    would  ■,11>  comes    to    OCCUpy    a    constantly    in- 
wd  to  the  erection   of  such   houses,  creasing  importance.      This  calls  for  the 
shelters  as  they  might  I  e  building  of  roads    and  the  erection  of 
or   willing  to    construct.       Later,  bridges,  some  primitive  form   of  money, 
lid    he    made    and    if   DOS'  "»'   evidence  of  debt,    and    filially,    per- 
l    plants,    cultivation  baps,  the  establishment  of  a   system  by 
or  the  soil  would  he  begun.       Certain  lo-  means   of  which    information    or    tness- 
tgreed  upon   as   the  ages  may  be  conveyed   from  one  part  of 
working  places  or  fields  of  each  worker,  the  island  to    another.       Now    when    all 
The  right,  in  Ibis   way,    to   use  the   soil  these  are  established   and  in    full  opera- 
would  be    immediately    and    universally  tion,  if  each  is    free    and    secure    in    the 
conceded   as  based    upon    the    "natural  possession  of  what    he    has    created,  it 
instinctive  apprehension  of  justice."  will  appear,  I  think,  that  the  inhabitants 
Hut  no  claims    to  individual   ownership  oft   e   island    are   in    full    possession  of 
would  be  set  up  for  all    would    recognize  their  natural  rights.       The  statement  of 
the  fact  that  their  stay  upon    the  island,  these  natural  rights  may  be  still  further 
until    rescued,     might    be    very    short,  simplified  by  saying   that   these   consist 
Nothing,     however,     would    hinder    the  in  the  right  to  life,  liberty   and   security 
peoole  from  "swapping,"  trading  or,  in-  in  the  possession  of  property,    the  right 
deed,    giving    up     altogether   locations  to  apply    labor   to   natural   opportnities 
previously  assigned  and    "improved"  or  for  self  support,    and   the   right   to   ex- 
labored  upon.       Some   one   of  the  com-  change    freely     the     products    of  labor, 
pany  may  have    built   a  boat  and   estab-  whether   of  hand   or   brain,    subject    in 
lished  a   fisherv,    exchanging   with    the  each    instance    to    the    equal    rights  of 
land  workers  the  products   of  toil,    and  others.       These   are   natural    rights,  all 
for  this  boat  one  might  sell  his  "claim."  others   are   artificial  and    conventional. 
The  exchange  would   be   equitable,    but  In  the  settlement  of  the  rival    claims  of 
for  his  boat  the   owner   would   only   re-  labor  and  capital   it    is   imperative  that 
ceive  "a  claim,"  not  the    land  itself  and  these     natural        rights     be     preserved 
he  could  only  hold  it  by  living  and  labor-  a»d        maintained        unimpaired        to 
ing  upon  it.      Otherwise  his  title,  which  a11-      bolh     ui8h       an(i       low.        rich 
comes  from  his  necessities,  lapses.     One  and     Poor>      great     and       small.       For 
could  scarcely  claim  pay    for    the  excess  nothing   can    be   a   settlement,    nothing 
of  air  which  the  laborer  uses   because  of  can  be  right,    which    denies   or   circum- 
...             e      .        ,          ,                     ,  scribes   these    natural,    or    God    given, 
his   abor.       So,  he  who  refuses  to  apply  ;    ...      fm                  .,'         .,           s 

ri  j  rights  of  man  upon  the  earth. 

his  labor    to    land    is    barre  1    from  de-  what  "the  natural  and  instinctive  ap- 

manding  from  the  agricultural  labor  any  prehension  of  justice"    would   dictate  in 

portion  of  his  produce.       "He   that  will  this    direction,     if     given    opportunity, 

not  work  neither  shall  he  eat."  forms  the  subject  of  the  next  chapter. 

As  time  passes,    if  the   peopie   of  the  The  Beginning  of  Evil. 

island  are   not   rescued,    they   gradually  If  we   suppose    time   to    pass  and  the 

im;  rove  their  condition    by  the  erection  population   of  our  island   toincrease.it 

of  more  commodious  houses,  by  increas-  will  probably  be    found   that  events  pro- 


POLITICS 


3i 


<ceed  much  after  the  following  fashion:  questionable.  The  price  cf  salt  is  now 
After  a  time  the  inhabitants  become  high,  and  the  ability  of  the  "propri- 
measurably  satisfied  with  their  condi-  etors"  to  take  from  the  islanders  the 
tion,  and  most  of  those  born  upon  the  <"ruits  of  labor  is  almost  unlimited, 
island  regard  it  as  much  the  best  place  If  any  objection  is  made  the  objecton 
to  live  in  all  the  world,  discounting,  in  is  told  that  he  is  a  disturber  of  the  rights 
their  minds,  the  stories  of  the  elders  in  of  private  property;  that  the  accumula- 
regard  to  other  lands:  Aud  even  these,  tion  of  property  is  the  incentive  to  pro- 
having  finally  and  with  much  labor  sub-  gress  aud  improvement;  that   without  it 


dued  the  wilderness,  cultivated  fields, 
built  houses  and  established  industries, 
cannot  bring  themselves  to  leave  the 
property  thus  created  when  given  an  op- 


men  would  speedily  lapse  into  savagery 
and  degradation.  Civilization,  they  will 
tell  him,  like  everything  else  of  value, 
costs  something.     So,  in  order  to  secure 


portunity  to  do  so  by  the  arrival  of  ships  the  benefits  aud  blessings  of  civilization 

and   the    establishment  of    communica-  something   must   be   paid.     The  theory 

tion      with     the     rest     of     the     world,  advanced   being   that  on   entering  upon 

Ouite    early      in     the     history     of    the  the   establishment   of  government  each 

island     it     might     be     discovered     by  citizen  gives   up   certain    rights    for  the 

one  of  the  company  that   a  certain  shal-  benefit  of  society.     This   is  the  price  he 

low  pool  near  the  shore — the  only  one  of  pays — the  cession  to  the  community  of  a 

the  kind  upon  the  island — filled  with  sea  portion  of  his  natural  right.     This  is  the 

water  at  high  tide   through  a  narrow  in-  theory  upon  which   government   is  now 

let,  might  be  readily  and  easily  dammed  based,  but  it  is  the  convenient  hook   up- 

at  the  inlet  so  as   to   prevent   the  escape  on  which  is   hung   wrong,    injustice  and 

of  the   water.     The   rays  of  the  sun,  he  deprivation,  with  its  attendant  degrada- 

reasons,  will    be   sufficient   to  evaporate  tion.     The  results   are   before  us  in  the 


the  water,  leaving  a  deposit  of  salt, 
which  being  removed  and  the  dam 
opened  for  the  admission  of  more  water. 
a  salt  manufactory  is   established.     Ac- 


world.  Progress  is  attended  by  poverty; 
and  the  greater  the  progress  of  the  few 
deeper  and  more  bitter  becomes  the 
poverty  of  the   many.     The   larger  the 


cordingly  he    "takes   his   claim"    along  city  and  the   greater   its   advantages,  to 

side  the  pool,  dams  the  inlet  and  shortly  the  few,  the  more   hideous   the  degreda- 

has  salt  10  exchange.     As  this  is  the  pro-  tion  of  the  many. 

duct  of  his  own  labor   no   fault  is  found  But    that    the    theory,    the    principle 

at  first  to  the  arrangement,  and  his  title  upon    which    this     deprivation    of    the 

to  all   the   salt   upon  the  island  is  grad-  masses  is  based,  is  false  ought  to  be  clear 

ually   and   in  process  of  time  perfected,  to     every     well     endowed     mind.     For 

Shortly    he    himself  is   not   obliged   to  among  all  the  millions  of  men  none  can 

labor,  and  by  raising  the  price  ot  salt  he  be  found  who  have  knowingly  agreed  to 

slowly  begins  to   accumulate   the  results  the  cession  of  any  portion    of  their  own 

of  other  men's  labor;  for  in  order  to  ob-  individual   rights.     The   thing   is   false, 

tain   this  necessity   men    must    give  up  And  it  is  seen,  too,    in    modern   society, 

some  portion  of  time  and  effort.     Hiring  constituted  as  it  now  is,  that  the  cessions 

other   men    to   do   the   work  he  lives  in  made,  as  in  the  case   of  the   salt  manu- 

ease,  being  able  to  appropriate  the  labor  facturer,  though    nominally  to  the  com- 

of  others,     After  his  death  his  descend-  munity  and  for  the  benefit  of  society  at 

ents  occupy   in    his   stead.     With    them  large,  are  really  made  to  individuals  and 

title  has   become   absolute.     Their  right  corporations.     They  receive  all  the  ben- 

to  the  natural  opportunities  embraced  in  efit.      Society   gets    none.      Indeed,    in 

he    "salt  works"    is,    they  suppose,  un-  this  way  society,  or  the   general    public 


• 


POLITICS 


idc  to  eompua   iti  own  destruction  condition  oi  the  islanders  subjected  to- 

the  benefit  of  the  few.     Bverybody  the  impositions  of  a  salt  monopoly  i& 

who  buys  salt  on  the  island  gives  up  the  abhorrent  to  this  natural  nml  instinctive 

fruits  of  his  labor  to  him  who  labors  not.  apprehension,   and   the    laws,    rules  or 

He  tims  increases  the  wealth  and  power  regulations  by  means  of  which  it  main- 

of  the  monopolist  by  adding  to  bis    own  tains  its  authority  are  clearly  and  plainly, 

erty.     And  all    at    the   command  of  in  this  instance    in  contravention  of  nat- 

ih.it   misinformed,    uneducated   and  uu-  ural  law.     Hence,  in  real  truth,  they  are 


christian  sentiment  which  deprives  men 
and  calls    the    machinery   of  deprivation 


,-oid. 
If  we   follow    the   probable   course  of 


The  word  civilization  comes   from  civis, 
a  citizen;    the    word  civi    from  the  same 


ition."      But  this  is  a   misnomer.    eventa  among  thc  "landers  we   shall  see 

that   monopolies   gain    their   power  and 
exert  their  swa.  by  depriving  the  people, 
t,  plainly   co  .veying    the   idea  of  re-    under    various    alluring    and   deceptive 
gard  for  the  rights  of  others,  or  altruism.    Pretexts   of   their   natural    rights.     The 
m    manners,  our  civilization,  and  all  the    claim  would  then    be   setup,   as  it  is  to- 
good  things  connected  with  mannets,  and  with    day,  that  this  is  necessary  to  the  general 
civiii/Hio,    have  i<>   this  European  world   of   g00(]      But  the  claim  is  always  made  by 

the  interested  few,  and  is  intended  solely 
for  their  benefit.  The  natural  rights  of 
men  upon  the  earth  are  few  in  number 
but  it  is  impossible  that  a  true  civiliza- 
tion, conveying  the  greatest  good  to  the 


ours  depended  for  ages  upon  two  principles — 
irit  of  a  gentleman  and  the  spirit  ofreli- 
— Edmund  Burke. 

Burke  here  tells  us  what  civilization 
properly  is  — what  it  should  be.  Plainly 
what  we  now  have  is  not  that.  The 
spirit  of  a  gentleman  and  the  spirit  of  greatest  number,  can  exist  unless  these 
religion  are  absent.  What  now  passes  are  fully  conceded  and  accorded.  It  is. 
under  the  name  is  simply  the  rule  of  the  not  necessary,  it  is  not  just,  it  is  not  in 
stronger — in  these  days,  the  richer —  accordance  with  the  precepts  of  Chris- 
civilization  it  is  not.  tianity     nor   is   it  wise,  that  the  natural 

The  real  truth  is  that  the  "saltworks,"  ri8ht  of  an>'  citizen-  bounded  as  it  is  by 
being  a  natural  opportunity,  a  gift  of  the  eclual  riSht  of  every  other  citizen, 
the   Creator     and   not   the  result  of  any    should  be  ">  the  slightest  degree   denied 


man's  labor,  belong  to  the  whole  people 
of  the  island,  who  should  take  posses- 
sion of  it.  remunerating  the  "owner" 
for  all  his  expenditures,  and  operate  it 
for  the  good  of  all,  disposing    of  the  salt    l°  that  hfe  whlch  haS  bee     thrUSt  UP°n 


or  abridged,  for  here  is  the  beginning  of 
evil. 

Probably  the  most   important   natural 
right  of  man  upon  the  earth  is  the  right 


at  the  cost  of  production.  This  would 
be  true  civilization  applied  in  this  case. 
And  nothing  short  of  this  treatment  will 


him  by  the  Creator.  This  carries  with 
it  the  right  to  a  foothold  upon  the  earth. 
The  world  in  which  we  live  is  the  gift  of 


for    no    other  plan  will  pre-    G°d  l°  the  raCe'  t0  humaility.    «ot    to  a 

favored    few.     All    our    paper   titles  run 


serve  to  the  individuals  comprising  this 
society  their  natural  rights.  That  would 
settle  the  salt  question  for  the  islanders. 
And  it  is  in  entire  conformity  with 
Blackstone  a  dicta  that  all  valid  law  de- 
rives its  final  authority  from  that  natu- 
ral and  instinctive  apprehension  of  jus- 
tice having  a  lodgment  in  the  hearts  of 
men,  and  that  statute  law  overriding  or 
contravening  natural    law  is  void,     The 


back  to  some  robbery,  some  bold  as- 
sumption of  right  proceeding  from 
might.  The  weak  have  ever  been  dis- 
possessed and  disinherited.  The  natu- 
ral, or  God-given  right  of  man  has  been 
denied.  The  Hebrew  scriptures  are  full 
of  passages  showing  that  the  right  of 
the  "owner"  of  land  is  only  that  of  oc- 
cupation and  use.  Read  the  following 
with  the  contet: 


POLITICS 


33 


"The  land  shall  not  be  sold  forever,  for  the 
land  ia  mine:  lor  ye  are  stangers  and  sojourn- 
ers with  me. 

And  in  all  the  land  of  your  possession  ye  shall 
grant  a  redemption  for  the  land. '"Lev.  xx,  23 — 
24. 


were  to  be  built,  and  a  place  of  safety  to 
be  provided  for  the  provisions  saved 
from  the  wreck.  In  this  all  perforce 
took  part.  No  one  could  hire  another 
to  perform  his  part  of  the  work,    for  the 


Blackstone  thus  sums  up  the  legal  and  iabor  of  all  was  imperatively  demanded, 

religious  view  of  the  matter:  Indeed,   some   time  elapsed  before  any 

in  the  beginning  of  the  world,  we  are  told  by  CQuld    be               d  frQm  tfae  labor            ked 

Holv  Writ,   the  all-bountiful  Creator    gave   to  * 

man  dominion  over  all  the  earth    and   over   the  for     the     Commonweal.        After    a     time, 

fish  of  the  sea  and  over  the  fowls  of  the  air  and  however,  that  portion  of  the  cargo  which 

over  every  living  thing  that  moveth  upon  the  drifted  ashore  having  been  duly    housed 

earth/'    This  is  tbe  only  true  and  solid  founda-  and  protected    and    cabins    more  or  less 
tion    tor   mans   domain    over   external    things, 

whatever  airy,  metaphysical  notions  may   have  comfortable  provided  for  all,  the  settlers 

beeu  started  by  fanciful  writers   upon    the   sub-  began     to     look    about     them    and     take 

ject.     The  earth  therefore  and  all  things    there-  thought  for  the  future, 

in  are  the  general  property  of  all   mankind,  ex-  ,      , 

elusive  of  all  other  beings,  from  the  immediate  As  the  hoPe  of  immediate  rescue  grad- 

giftofthe  Creator."  -Blackstones  Cominenta-  ually  faded  away  it  was  seen  that  as  the 

ries'  n  2-  provisions    left    could  not   last    forever 

The  national   Free  Soil   convention  of  something    must    be    done    to    provide 

1852,  really  the  first  Republican  conven-  more  for  the  future.    So,  each  one  began 

tion,  has  this  to  say:  to  say:   "There    is  fertile    land,  we  have 

"All  men  have  a  natural  right  to  a  portion  of  seeds  and  plants,  why  then  should  we 
the  soil,  and  as  the  soil   is   indispensible  to  life, 

the  right  of  all  men  to   the   soil   is   as   sacred  ss  not    Proceed    to    P^nt     and     cultivate?" 

the  right  to  life  itself."  And  this,  after    much"  discussion,   it  was 

But  men  "have  been  usually  "civilized  '  decided  to  undertake.  As  in  all  compa- 
out  of  these  footholds  upon  the  earth  by  nies  of  men  and  women  some  are  active 
the  machinations  of  the  money  chang-  and  energetic  and  others  slothful  and 
ers.  Anciently  men  lost  their  lands  dilatory,  so  among  our  settlers  these 
precisely  as  they  are  losing  them  today;  varying  qualities  had  place.  Thinking 
they  pledged  them  to  the  usurer.  Read  this  over  the  wise  anions;  them  strongly 
the  fifth  chapter  of  Nehemiah  for  a  full  advocated  the  plan  of  separate  action  in 
description  of  the  methods  in  use  today,  the  every  day  work  and  duties  of  life, 
also  for  proof  of  the  fact  that  one  per  agreeing  to  combine  in  all  matters  con- 
cent per  annum,  or  the  hundredth  part,  cerning  the  general  and  public  welfare, 
is  usury — or  use  money — the  meaning  of  In  this  way,  it  was  argued,  each  one 
the  word  as  used  by  Shakspeare,  Bacon  would  be  free  to  manage  his  private  con- 
and  the  translators  of  the  Bible.  cerns  in  such  way  and  manner  as  should 

Let  us  suppose  that  upon  tht*  arrival  be  pleasing  to  him,  thus  securing  that 
of  the  shipwrecked  people  at  the  island  freedom  and  harmony  without  which  it 
it  is  found  that  one  has  been  able  to  would  be  impossible  to  live  quiet  and 
bring  to  land  his  bag  of  gold  and  silver  peaceable  lives.  It  thus  came  about  that 
coins.  The  other  passengers,  in  the  without  inharmony  or  strife  it  was 
hurry  and  confusion  of  shipwreck  agreed  that  each  should  select  "a  claim"' 
thought  little  of  money.  Not  so  with  and  devote  himself  t<>  the  work  of  home- 
one,  who  braving  all   in    his  attachment  building. 

to  gold  brought  his  coin  safely  to  shore.  The    work    of    each    man    soon    took 

At  first  little  was  thought   of  this.     All  shape  from  the  character   of  the  person 

the    energies   of  each  were   at   once  de-  engaged    in    the    effort.     Some    of    the 

voted   to   the   task  of  self-preservation,  "improvements"      were     carefully     and 

thac    first   impulse   ef   nature.     Shelters  thoroughly    made.     Other;    were  make- 


POLITIC  S 

lling  awaj  from  his  coffers  without  tbis  "string1 
mud  time.  In  nil  this  being  attached  to  it.  with  this  he 
the  'l  k11-0'^  nature  of  the  pulled  it  back.  The  chain  was  endless, 
man  who  in  the  last  extremity  had  clung  It  revolved  for  him.  But  the  simple 
to  b  joou  was  manifest.  He  colonists  chose  to  remain  in  ignorance 
worked  as  will  and  faithfully  as  the  rest,  of  this,  the  cause  of  their  undoing. 
Indeed,  no  one  did  more,  but  in  order  to  ..\s  a  matter  of  course  large  numbers 
out  hi-  plans  he  occasionally  se-  0f  the  islanders  having  pledged  their 
cured  help  in  clearing  his  land  and  homes  to  the  money  dealer  lost  them. 
planting  his  field  from  some  of  the  indo-  Communication  with  the  rest  of  the 
lent  ones,  paving  them  small  sums  from  world  having  been  established  these 
his  store.  Tin-  monev  was  of  little  homes  were  sold  "on  payments"  to  new 
worth,  at  the  time,  it  being  generally  comers  by  Mr.  Greedyman,  the  new- 
understood  that  only  upon  the  rescue  of  owner,  who  made  preparatione  to  "turn 
the  company  coald  it  have  value.  And  an  honest  penny"  by  playing  with  the 
,s  upon  this  supposition  only  that  it  nevv  crop  of  home  seekers  the  same 
taken.  Still,  it  was  found  then  as  game— that  of  the  cat  with  the  mouse, 
it  is  today,  that  many  men  who  would  When  complaint  was  made  of  his  doings 
not  work  for  themselves  made  very  tol-  he  promptly  proceeded  to  denounce  the 
erable  and  useful  servants  when  under  complainers  as  "anarchists,"  complain- 
the  eye  and  management  of  a  master,  ing  himself  in  turn  that  these  people 
Our  "moneyed  man,"  however,  paid  out  spoke  evil  of  "law  and  order"  and  the 
but  little  of  his  coin,  the  major  portion  privileges  of  that  "civilization"  which 
he  k  pt  intact.  The  little  thus  placed  had  been  so  hardly  obtained  by  the 
in  circulation  being  "traded"  about  from  labors  and  privations  of  the  early  set- 
hand  to  hand  much  as  bovs  do  tiers.  He  often  took  occasion  to  remind 
their  balls  and  tops.  It  served,  how-  those  who  would  listen  to  him  there  was 
ever,  to  keep  the  minds  of  the  colonists  "just  as  much  money  as  ever,"  and  that 
familiar  with  the  idea  of  money,  and  to  any  one  could  always  get  money  if  he 
induce  them  to  rate,  in  their  barters  and  would  only  "work  and  produce  some- 
agieements,  all  their  products  and  ser-  thing  for  sale."  Still,  many  of  the  isl- 
vices  as  of  so  many  dollars  in  value.  anders  contrasted,  in  their  minds,  the 
Finally,  as  we  have  heretofore  seen,  condition  of  the  people  before  "civiliza- 
the  hope,  and  even  the  desire,  of  leav-  tion"  had  made  its  advent  with  that 
ing  the  island  having  largely  disap-  which  Prevailed  under  its  sway.  And 
peared,  improvements  multiplied  and  they  often  wondered  in  a  childish  sort 
commerce  being  established,  the  use  of  of  a  way  how  it  was  that  Mr.  Greedy- 
money  took  on  greater  force  and  ob  "laD-  who  had  actually  produced  no 
tained  further  power.  The  desire  to  ac-  more  of  the  wealth  of  the  island  than 
cumulate  money  now  seemed  to  take  many  of  the  poorer  residents,  could  now 
complete  possession  of  most  active  and  be  the  possessor  of  a  large  part  of  all 
energetic  men.  Everything  that  they  uPon  U>  simply  from  the  fact  that  he 
had  they  gave  to  obtain  it.  In  this  mad  had  brought  a  bag  of  coin  to  shore, 
rush  for  power  our  greedy  friend  of  the  which  in  the  early  days  all  had  seen  was 
moneybags  played  a  prominent  part.  of  liltle  use  and  less  value.  But  that 
He  now  became  the  great  man  of  the  was  all— thay  only  wondered.  Mean- 
island.  Possessing  gold  he  soon  per-  time  the  islanders  became  known  in  for- 
fected  a  plan,  by  means  of  the  exaction  eign   parts   as   Mr.  Greedyman's  island. 

.v*a_*_**-»  £.    a  \.  ■  u  ..   j  He  was  often  spoken  of  as  the  wonderful 

of  interest  for  its  use,  which  necessitated  „  ■,    ..  i  *         r       i 

man;    and    the    real    creator  of  values 

its  return    to   him.     No  dollar  went  out  there.     Wealth.it   is   said,    had  largely 


POLITICS 


35 


increased;  true,    most   of  it  was  held  by  posing  the  company.     Land  and  its  nat- 

him,  but  then,  it  had  increased  and  that  ural  products,    then,    form  the  provision 

was  something  to  be  thankful  for.  made  by  nature— or  the  Creator— ^or  the 

"Civilization"    was    now  in  full   blast  use  and  sustenance   of  men,  of  all  men, 

upon  this  island,     Mr.  Greedyman  built  during  life.     When   life    is   done    need 

railroads,  erected   gas   and  water  works,  ceases,  and  title,  natural   title,  comes  10 


and  made  various  improvements,  not 
forgetting  to  collect  in  oue  way  and  an- 
other vast  sums  in  rents,  profits  and 
interest,  which  in  cunning  ways  were 
fastened  upon  the  foolish  people  who 
looked  up  to  him  in  the  precise  way  in 
which  a  certain  eminent  mammonist  de- 


an end.  Natural  title,  right  title,  comes 
simply  irom  the  nature  of  man — from 
his  necessities.  His  need  is  his  warrant. 
"Natural  opportunities,"  or  the  earth  in 
a  btate  of  nature,  is  the  answer  of  God 
to  the  need  of  man.  (Right  here  is  the 
origin  and  foundation  of  the  now  fully 
received  doctrine  of  the  Fatherhood   o 


sired  Jesus  to  fall  down  and  worship  God  and  the  brotherhood  of  man.)  "All 
him.  But  the  people  forgot  the  precepts  men"— not  all  governments— "are  en- 
of  truth  and  said  among  themselves:  dowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  in- 
"Money  has  always  controlled  and  it  alienable  rights."  That  is,  rights  which 
always  will;"  and  they  made  haste  cannot  be  alienated  or  taken  away.  But 
among  themselves  to  do  him  honor.  suppose  this  company  of  people,  previ- 
We  can  now  see  that  the  islanders  ous  to  its  advent  upon  the  island,  had 
have  arrived  at  the  condition  in  which  been  reading  the  book  "Progress  and 
we  find  ourselves  today.  And  we  got  Poverty,"  by  Henry  George,  and  had 
there  just  as  they  did.  'i  he  islanders  undertaken  to  deprive  the  different  indi- 
under  the  plea  of  "progress"  and  "ad-  vidnfls  composing  the  company  of  this 
vancing  civilization"  were  gradually  de-  most  imPortant  »ght  with  which  the 
prived  of  the  natural  rights  which  they  Creator  has  endowed  "a11  meu,"  by  put- 
originally  and  rightfully  possessed  as  a  tmg  his  theories-or  the  theories  of  Pat- 
.,°   ,.          .,                         „   .,           c     ,,  rick  Edward  Dove — into  practice.  Ihen, 

they  would   say:  "This  island     belongs 


gift    from  the   common    Father   of  all. 


to  this  company  by  right  of  discovery." 
"All  the  land  belongs  to  all  the  people." 


And  this  is  the  case  with  the  great  body 
of  the  American  people  today. 

The  French  National  Assembly  was  Whoe, 
right  in  its  solemn  declaration  made  one  representing  the  company  "the  full 
''in  the  presence  of  the  Supreme  Being  rental  value"  of  the  same  for  the  privi- 
and  with  the  hope  of  his  blessing  and  iege  of  its  use.  And  he  must  pay  the 
favor"-Ignorance,  neglect  or  contempt  full  rental  val  otherwise  he  secures  a 
of  human  rights  are  the  sole  causes  of  .  .,  ,  ...  ,,  x  . 
public  misfortunes  and  corruptions  of  P"vileged  position."  It  is  then  a  mat- 
government."  ter  of  entire  indifference  to  the  settler 
\  whether  he  cultivates  land  or  not.  If  he 
free  noil.  produces   food    the   company   fines  him 

If  we  go   back,    in  our  minds,    to  the  for   doing   so.     If  he   does   nothing  the 

time    when    the   shipwrecked  company  authority  representing   the   company  is 

first   landed   upon  the  unknown  and  un-  supposed   to   distribute   to   him  some  of 

inhabited  island  we  shall  be  able  to   see  the    "full   rental   value'    obtained  from 

clearly  that   each   one   of  the  company  the   foolish    fellows   who    do    cultivate, 

had  an  undoubted  right  to  use  so  much  This   system   is    thus   seen    to   fine  the 

of  the   island   and  its   products   as  may  workers  for  working! 

have  been  necessary   to   the   support  of  The  truth  is,  the  right  to  land  is   inal- 

life  in    comfort.     This   was — and    is — a  ienable  in  the   person   of  the  individual, 

natural  right.     That  is,  it  came  from  na-  under   all    ordinary  circumstances,  and 

ture  and  because  of   the  human  nature  no  authoiity  short  of  that  of  the   Crea- 

and  necessities   of  the  individuals  com-  tor   has  a  right   to  interfere  or  tax  this 


POLITICS 

con  '  were,  and   the   planting  of  ileitis,  that  anew 

man    and    the    gift  I.  company  of  people  arrives,  precisely  as 

Wherever  land  ed  for  public  use  the  original  company  did.     The  first  set- 

the  right  ol  the  many  to  ■  particular  lo-  tiers  have  barely   scratched   the  surface 

i  eeds  that  of  the  one,  as  a  ma1  here  and  there.    There  is  an  abundance 

ter  of  course.     This  has  been  illustrated  ofroom   for  all  and  the  new  company  is 

in  the  case  ol   "the  salt  works;"  and  the  as  destitute  as   the  firs  .     Plain  y,  the 

right  of  the  public  would   be  seen  in  the  right  of  the  individuals  in  the  Is  cond 

building oi  a  wharl  by  the  islanders  and  company  is  the  same  as  that  of  those  in 

the  laying  out  of  a  town  near  by.    When  the   first.     To    so   much   of  the  land  as 

Heui  first    began   to  advocate  may  have    been    necessary   to  their  sup- 

the    "sing  le  exempted  from  its  port  the  first  coiners  had  a   right.     That 

operation    a    homestead,    or    a  sufficient  is,  they  had  a  right  to  take  it,   and  labor 

ion  of  the  earth's  surface  for  self-  upon  it.  Having  taken  it  and  labored 
support,  thus  preserving  the  natural  upon  it  they  have  a  right  to  hold  it  dur- 
ri^ht  of  man.  To  please  the  comfortable  ing  life.  But  they  have  no  right  to  more 
classes  he  afterward  dropped  this:  thus  than  is  absolutely  essential  to  the  sup- 
neglecting  the  cause  of  the  poor  and  the  port  of  life  in  comfort.  They  have  no 
homeless.  The  justice  of  exempting  right,  no  natural  right,  no  moral  right, 
incomes  from  taxation  below  a  certain  to  more  thaD  they  can  cultivate  properly 
amount  is  universally  recognized.  At-  by  means  of  their  own  labor.  To  allow 
ply  this  principle  t"  land  and  we  have  ■'  man  with  a  bag  of  gold  to  hire  others 
free  soil,  free  homes,  a  brave  and  self-  and  monopolize  land  soon  destroys  the 
reliant  people  anil  the  pursuit  of  happi-  natural  right  of  men  without  gold,  as  we 
ness  made  possible.  The  sufficient  an-  have  seen.  In  a  previously  unknown 
swer  to  the  "single  tax,"  as  now  pre-  and  uninhabited  island  the  right  of  the 
seated,  is  that  it  circumscribes  and  de-  second  company  to  choose  locations  for 
the  inalienable  right  of  man;  it  themselves  on  unoccupied  land  would 
would  alienate  by  taxation,  or  fine,  that  he  immediately  granted.  "The  natural 
which  is  inalienable.  Our  Declaration  and  instinctive  apprehension  of  justice 
states  truly  that  gov-  finding  universal  lodgment  in  the  heart 
ernments  are  instituted  lo  preserve  these  of  man" — where  not  clouded  and  ob- 
rights,  not  to  alienate  or  hinder  them,  scured  by  cburchianity  and  so-called  civ- 
And  the  whole  course  of  history  proves  ilization — would  compel  it.  The  new 
that  "itfnoranee,  neglect  or  contempt  of  company  would  be  welcomed  and  made 
the*'  the  sole  cause  of  public  happy,  if  of  the  same  nationality. 
misfortunes  and  corruptions  of  govern-  Should  any  one  appear  inclined  to  mo- 
ment." Beware,  in  this  matter,  as  in  nopolize  land,  as  did  Mr.  Greedyman, 
all  others,  of  those  who  would  deprive  taxation  forms  a  legitimate  mode  of  re- 
men,  lor  the  absolutely  certain    result  is  pression.    But  the  idea  of  securing  man's 

adation  and  eventual  despair,  natural  right  to  apply  labor  to  natural 
M  mv  men  seeing  the  injustice  of  the  opportunities  for  the  support  of  life,  by 
present  land  tenures  favor  the  single  tax  means  of  repressive  taxation,  the  pro- 
becauae,  having  never  fully  investigated  ceedsofsuch  taxation  to  be  distributed 
the  matter,  tbey  imagine  it  the  only  equally  among  idlers  as  well  as  workers, 
remedy — being  advocated  as  it  is  by  able  must  have  originated  with  the  fellow  who 
men.  But  so  is  '  protection"  for  Came-  holds  that  the  world  owes  him  a  living, 
gie  an  l  Pullman,  and  other  humbugs  whether  he  labors  for  it  or  not.  It  is 
too  numerous  to  mention.  Let  men  only  another  device  for  the  robbery  of 
think  for  themeelvi  labor,  and  it  proposes  to  arrive  at  its 
But  suppose  that  after  our  company  results  in  the  old  fashioned  way,  by  de- 
had  landed  upon  the  island  and  partially  priving  men  of  their  natural   rights.     In 

proved"  it  by  the  building  of  houses  this  connection  it    would   be  well  to  re- 


POLITICS 


37 


member  that  wrong  never  by  lapse  of 
time  becomes  right.  Having  no  just 
title  to  the  earth's  surface,  past  robbers 
of  men  could  give  none.  Our  case — the 
care  of  the  present  generation  of  men — 
is  that  of  the  later  comers  in  the  island, 
and  our  title  is  as  good,  to  life  and  the 
provision  for  our  support  made  by  our 
mother  nature,  as  that  of  the  earlier 
arrivals.  But  we  must  labor  in  some 
useful  capacity.  If  we  refuse,  our  rights 
lapse  and  come  to  an  end.  The  world 
owes  no  man  a  living  who  will  not  work. 
The  right  to  live  we  have;  the  right  to 
apply  labor  to  natural  opportunities  is 
given  us,  then  we  are  to  work  out  our 
own  salvation  or  perish. 

"All  that  a  man  hath  will  he  give  for 
his  life.  '  But  he  cannot  live  without 
land.  Hither  lie  will  be  a  producer 
of  values  or  a  mere  dead  weight  upon 
the  body  politic.  But  even  non-pro- 
ducers and  paupers  have  certain  rights 
among  men,  and  with  these  what  is 
called  the  laud  question  is  closely  con- 
nected. The  right  to  apply  labor  to 
land  without  the  payment  of  tribute  to 
any,  is  the  most  importaut  natural  right 
of  man,  for  the  reason  that  by  these 
means  life  can  always  be  preserved.  By 
means  of  it  liberty  and  independence  can 
be  maintained  and  the  individual  freed 
from  that  soul  debasing  dependence 
which  is  so  destructive  of  manhood  and 
character.  This  is  the  private  and  indi- 
vidual right  of  man.  But,  as  we  have 
seen  in  the  case  of  "the  saltworks," 
men  have  other  claims  upon  the  land 
which  can  only  be  preserved  by  public 
action.  We  have,  then,  the  pnblic  and 
private  rights  of  men  as  related  to  natu- 
ral opportunities.  How  these  may  both 
be  preserved  has  seemed  to  many  a  most 
puzzling  question;  most  of  the  answers 
returned  being,  in  fact,  a  complete  sur- 
render of  one  or  the  other  of  these  rights. 
But  the  question,  despite  its  immense 
importance",  must  admit  of  some  plain 
and  simple  answer.  And  this  will  ap- 
pear to  be  the  case  if  we  admit  fully  and 
freely  both  the  public  and  private  right 
of  men  to  the  soil.  Suppose,  then,  that 
we  adopt  as  our  maxim    something   like 


this — Public  things  to  the  public;  pri- 
vate affairs  to  the  individual — and  seek 
by  legislation  to  make  it  operative.  .To 
put  this  in  practice,  some  years  ago  I 
proposed  and  published  the  following 
constitutional  amendment,  not  because 
it  is  perfect  or  incapable  of  amendment, 
but  for  the  reason  that  in  this  wa}'  my 
meaning  may  be  fully  explained.  Any 
state  may  place  this  in  its  constitution 
whenever  a  majority  of  its  citizens  de- 
sire, and  the  powers  of  the  state  are  am- 
ple for  its  enforcement. 

Sec.  i — Real  estate  and  all  usual  improve- 
ments to  the  value  of  a  sum  not  exceeding  (say 
three  thousand)  held,  used  and  occupied  in 
good  faith  as  a  home  by  any  usual  and  private 
family,  is  hereby  forever  exempted  from  all 
taxation  of  every  kind  and  character  in  this 
state. 

Sec.  2 — All  lauds  and  natural  opportunities 
needed  for  public  use  or  business,  ascertain 
limited  and  restricted  areas  in  towns  and  cities, 
all  mines,  forests,  waterfalls,  or  other  natural 
opportunities  not  available  for  cultivation,  or 
as  dwelling  places,  are  hereby  expressly  ex- 
empted from  these  provisions. 

Sec.  3 — The  right  of  every  family  to  the  ex- 
clusive possession  ot  a  homestead  held,  used 
and  occupied  as  described  in  section  one,  valued 
at  a  sum  not  exceeding  (say  ■?3,ooo)  shall  not  be 
abridged  or  denied  by  any  contract,  agreement, 
mortgage  or  other  document,  or  promise  what- 
soever, made  or  executed  on  or  after  July  4,  I895. 

Sec.  4— The  legislature  shall  have  power  to 
pass  all  laws  necessary  to  carrj-  into  effect  the 
due  intent  and  meaning  of  these  provisions. 

The  constitulion  of  a  state  or  nation  is 
properly  a  bill  of  rights.  Hence  here  is 
the  place  for  the  statement  of  a  funda- 
mental right. 

There  is  land  enough  in  the  world  for 
all  and  to  spare.  The  total  population 
of  the  globe,  estimated  at  1,400,000,000, 
could  stand  upon  a  plot  of  .ground  ten 
miles  square.  The  single  state  of  Texas 
with  its  quarter  million  square  miles 
could  give  to  every  family  of  five  in  the 
whole  world,  including  the  millions  of 
India,  Africa,  China  and  Japan,  a  garden 
spot  of  more  than  half  an  acre  in  extent. 
And  as  not  more  than  half,  in  any  event, 
would  wish  to  devote  their  labor  to 
laud,  this  allotment  might  be  nearly 
doubled  in  size.  Probably  the  area  of 
land  within  the  United  States  is  at  least 
a  hundred  times  in  excess  of  the  actual 
necessities  of  the  people. 

>690 


POLITICS 


The  ed  would  not  in- 

terfei  mortgages 

but  would  prevent  ill  mortgaging  of 
homes  after  Jul]     | 

would  probably  be  mainly  as  follows: 
taxation  would  increase  upon  land  not 
held  bj  occupation  and  used   as  a  home, 

ipon  that  portion  of  estates  held  in 

"i    the    5.;. ooo    exempted.      ln- 

d    taxation    would    gradually  de- 

the  selling   price    of    land  and  iu- 

■  the  ability  of  home  seekers  to 
purchase.  The  rush  to  the  cities  would 
cease.  The  laborer  who  could  profitably 
employ  himself  upon  a  free  home 
which,  when  once  it  was  his  could 
not  be  taken  from    him,    would    cease  to 

cte  with  him  who  might  not  be 
able  to  buy  land.  Wages  would  rise. 
The  herding  together  of  vast  masses  of 
poverty  stricken  people  in  the  great 
cities  would  be  checked  and  perhaps  en- 
tirely prevented.  Once  possessed  of  a 
free  and  inalienable  home  the  citizen 
would  become  indeed  a  king  who  could 
not  be  crushed.  The  exemption  would 
cover  the  home  of  the  mechanic  or  the 
tradesman  in  the  town,  the  garden  of 
the  vegetable  or  fruit  grower  near  by  and 
the  farm  of  the  farmer  at  a  greater  dis- 
tance.    All  lands  held  or  used  for  public 

iiness  purposes,  as  the  business 
portions  of  towns  or  cities,  could  not  be 
held  as  untaxed  homes.  If  land  held  as 
a  home  were  needed  for  public  or  busi- 
ness purposes  the  legislature  is  emp  ,. - 
ered  to  provide  means  for  its  acquire- 
ment. 

;»erty  enough  dow  escapes  taxation 
altogether  upon  which  taxes  might  be 
laid  sufficient  to  meet  all  necessarv  pub- 
lic expenses.  Too  much  is  now  raised, 
and    the    amount   should    be  decreased. 


to  land;  it   is   the  only  defensible  title, 

Upon  a  moral  basis.       Make   it  the  actual 

and  legal  title  and  the  problem  is  solved. 

Let  us  tease  to  hold  up  ;i  lie  as  the  foun- 
dation of  our  land  laws  and  man  will  at 
last    be    freed     liom    the  consequences  of 

the    vast    robbery    perpetrated    by  the 

"robber  barons"  of  old. 


Hut  suppose  all  this  to  have  beee  ac- 
complished. It  is  true  that  the  blank 
despairing  poverty  of  the  present  would 
then  be  impossible;  that  men  would 
take  heart  once  more  and  a  race  of  un- 
conquerable freedom-loving  citizens  be 
i  rented  and  encouraged.  Bat  man  lives 
not  by  bread  alone.  Mere  sustenance 
tor  the  body  is,  after  all,  but  little  of 
life.  The  interchange  of  thought  and 
the  products  of  labor  make  civilization 
possible,  and  by  means  of  these,  true 
companionship  and  the  association  of 
men  together  for  laudible  purposes  be- 
come possible.  These  things  distin- 
guish the  civilized  man  from  the  barba- 
rian, and  make  possible  the  triumphs  of 
education,  art  and  progress.  It  is  seen 
that  all  progress  in  the  past  has  been 
secured  largely  as  the  result  of  com- 
merce and  exchange  of  ideas  and  the  pro- 
ducts of  man's  labor.  Modern  com- 
merce had  its  origin,  almost  a  thousand 
years  ago,  largely  from  the  formation  of 
the  Hanseatic  League,  an  organization 
entered  into  by  a  number  of  the  cities  of 
Northern  Europe  for  the  purposes  of 
trade.  This  really  broke  the  long  relig- 
ious night  of  the  "dark  ages"  and  made 
possible  the  triumphs  of  later  years.  In- 
deed, one  has  but  to  read  the  history  of 
the  past  with  an  unprejudiced  eye  in 
order  to  be  convinced  that  these  have 
been  the  means  employed  resulting  in 
the  gradual  enlightenment  of  men  and 
The  school  system  of  a   state  should  be    the  increase  of  knowledge   on  the  earth. 


under  state  contro  and  the  state  pay  all 
the  expenses.  The  right  to  occupy  and 
use  could  be  sold  precisely  a.-,  men  now 
sell  government  "claims."  Every  facil- 
ity for  making  exchanges  of  this  char- 
acter might  be  given.  Title  while  in 
possession  shoul  t  be  absolute.  Occu- 
pancy and  use   is   the  only  natural  title 


The  second  great  natural  right  of  man 
is  that  of  free  and  untrammeled  ex- 
change. 

Free    Trade,    Free     Speech,    Free 
Men. 

The  awful  misery  of  millions  of  pov- 
erty-stricken people  cries  out  against 
the   so-called  civilization    of  our    time. 


POLITICS 


39 


It  cries  to  heaven  for  relief  and  justice. 
Men  have  forgotten  their  brothers  in 
the  mad  scramble  for  money,  and  with- 
out apparent  compunction  are  engaged 
in  oppressing,  depriving  and  degrading 
them. 

"See  yonder  poor,  o'erlabored  wight, 

So  abject,  mean  and  vile, 
"Who  begs  a  brother  of  the  earth 

To  give  him  leave  to  toil; 
And  see  his  lordly  fellow  worm 

The  poor  petition  spurn, 
Unmindful  though  a  weeping  wife 
And  helpless  offspring  mourn." 

But  a  mighty  revolution  in  thought 
and  feeling  has  at  last  declared  itself  in 
the  hearts  of  many.  The  pendulum  of 
time  has  reached  the  farthest  limit.  The 
turning  point  has  been  past  and  nothing 
can  now  stay  its  resistless  momentum. 
The  petition  of  brotherhood  has  been 
heard.  The  fluty  of  man  to  man  is  once 
more  discussed.  The  pendulum  of  God 
begins  to  return.  Human  sympathy 
draws  it  and  the  power  of  the  Almighty 
is  behind  it.  Its  onward  march  will  be 
irresistible.  A  mighty  change  has  al- 
ready manifested  itself  in  the  minds  of 
men.  But  the  immediate  outcome  may 
be  either  joyous  or  sorrowful.  That  the 
result  may  be  happy  every  true  reformer 
should  exert  his  utmost  power  to  pre- 
vent the  adoption  by  the  wronge  1  and 
suffering  people  of  unlawful  and  re- 
vengeful methods.  He  who  cries  out 
against  wrong  must  do  no  wrong.  Who- 
ever demauds  justice  must  do  no  injus- 
tice. Failing  in  this  the  end  may  be 
told  from  the  beginning.  Past  history 
shows  it.  A  military  despotism  is  the 
certain  end  and  inevitable  result.  Pa- 
tience, then,  my  brothers;  the  mills  of 
the  gods  grind  slowly  but  they  grind  ex- 
ceedingly fine. 

In  the  revolution  of  184S,  which  shook 
all  Europe  from  center  to  circumference, 
the  mistake  was  made  which  must  not 
be  repeated.  "At  that  time  we  had  all 
Europe  at  our  feet,"  said  a  most  intelli- 
gent German  to  me  some  years  ago, 
1  'but  we  did  not  know  how  to  use  our 
victory;  excesses  were  committed  which 
turned  the  middle  classes  against  us. 
•Our  leaders  were  divided   in   their  coun- 


cils. They  were  successful  in  tearing 
down,  but  they  knew  not  how  to  build. 
Upon  no  plan  or  principle  were  they 
agreed." 

Now,  today,  the  old  is  passing  away. 
The  new  will  take  its  place.  What  shall 
it  be?  Unification  of  thought  among 
reformers  is  a  paramount  necessity.  We 
must  know  what  we  want  and  agree  up- 
on it.  Upon  this  all  true  progress  waits. 
I  have  endeavored  to  trace,  in  an  ex- 
ceedingly hurried  manner  it  is  true,  the 
course  by  which  we  as  a  people  have  lost 
some  of  the  freedom  of  the  past,  and  by 
means  of  which  we  stand  in  deadly  peril 
of  losing  more.  I  have  shown  that  the 
course  taken  by  the  controllers  of  events 
in  this  country  has  led  to  the  depriva- 
tion of  the  great  masses  of  the  people, 
and  that  degredation  follows    hard  after. 

That  the  wealthy  and  powerful 
through  political  methods  have  deprived 
and  are  depriving  men  of  those  natural 
and  God-given  rights  upon  which  all 
true  liberty  rests  and  depends.  And  this 
matter  of  natural  right  no  one  need  take 
my  word  as  a  guide.  I  but  repeat  the 
words  of  the  wise  and  the  true  of  all 
ages. 

Think,  my  brother,  for  one  moment, 
clearly  and  candidly  for  yourself.  Do 
you  imagine  for  an  instant  that  men 
may  be  deprived  of  what  the  Creator 
has  intended  for  freemen  and  that  they 
may  stil  retain  freedom?  Was  that 
grand  declaration  of  our  fathers  mere 
idle  bombast?  Have  men  no  natural 
rights?  Were  they  placed  upon  this 
rolling  ball  to  be  the  mere  serfs  and 
tools  of  their  more  crafty  brothers?  And 
will  you  be  a  slave?  If  so,  witness  all 
about  you  the  daily  forging  of  your 
chains. 

The  crisis  is  upon  us!  And  the  foun- 
dations of  the  future  upon  which  true 
and  brave  men  must  build  is  plain.  The 
natural  rights  of  men  upon  the  earth, 
with  which  they  have  been  eudowed  by 
a  beneficent  Creator,  must  be  secured 
and  preserved  to  all,  both  high  and  low, 
great  and  small. 

"The  principles  of  Jefferson  are  the  definitions 
of  free  society    *    *    *    This  is  a  world  of  coin 


POLITICS 


md  he  who  would  be  no  slave  must    be  exchanged  foi  this  money  orforthe 

,b0  •l'"s    products  of  the  couutry.     [fthismonej 

is    taken    in    exchange    it  must   be  ex- 

pended  here.    Thus  production   Issttm- 

Wberevei   mouopolj   rears  its  created    ulated   and   demand   for  our  goods   in- 

bead  the  public  must  Uke  it  in  charge,    ereased.      Ever}      shipment    of  goods- 


<■  it  doI  i"i   then 
ami  un.irr  G  .mu >i   loug  retain  11 


Public   things  to  the  public;  private  af- 
lo  the  individual.      Money,    rail- 
ways and  the  telegraph,  must  be  nation- 
-    is  the    case   with    the  post- 


brought  in  makes  demand   foi  an  equal 

aiinur.it  'it  our  productSi  The  more 
goods  Bent  here  from  abroad  the  greater 
the  demand   upon   our  labor.     Fair  and 


Free   homes  for   thepeopleand  free    exchange    is   mutually   beneficial. 

inge  ol  products  of  the  toil  of  But  if  money  redeemable  in  gold  is  used 

b  hand  and  brain  will  bring  the  rest.  '"    commeace    the    people  having    the 

Protection?    True  protection   for  the  cheapest  labor  and  the  heaviest  loanable 

industries  of  the  country   can    be  had  in  capital     soon    relieve  the  other  of    their 
one    way.      National    paper    money  ^old:    take  away   their    money,  deprive 
will  serine    it-     Absolute    money,    mire-  them  of  the  principal  tool   of   trade;  i in- 
definable in  gol.!,  this  is  the    touchstone  poverish    them.     This   is    why  both  Old 
of  industrial  freedom;  this   will  protect  and  -N'ew  England  are  so  strenuously  for 
the   manufacturer    and    protect    the   la-  "a  gold  basis."     By  means  of  this  jug- 
glery millions    of  people  and    man)-  na- 
Notgood?   Not  goo  1  unless  exchanged  tions  have    been    victimized   and  impov- 
for  gold?     Pull  legal    tender   money  is  a  erished.     And    ihe    money  changers  did 
:    decree    backed    by    the    sovereign  it-    They  will  impoverish  us  in  the  same 
the  nation.     Not  good?    It  is  as  way  unless  we,  the  people,  get  our   eyes- 
I  and  of  as  powerful    a  nature  as  the  °Pen  to  the  gambling  game  that  is  being 
nation    that    issues    it.     No    less  and  no  played.     Our    money    lords    understand 


more.  As  well  say  that  the  decree  of  a 
court  co  veying  property  Irom  one 
cl  litnant  to  another  is  not  good  unless 
■.  i :d  on  gold  intrinsically  as  valu- 
able as  the  property  conveyed!  Bosh! 
Where    are    the    brains    and     reasoning 

:nen  that  they  are  deceived  by 
so  transparent  a   lie?     Not    good?     Your 

he  enemies  of  labor,  the  ene- 
mies of  humanity,  the  enemies o I  God- 


all  this  well,  and  are  already  preparing 
to  emigrate  to  "perfidious  Albion," 
where  their  perfidy  is  fully  known. 

Free  trade  is  not  to  blame.  Gold  basis 
money  is.  But  the  crafty  dealers  in  gold 
make  the  foolish  people  think  that  the 
result  of  their  deviltry — the  present  de- 
pression— comes  from  a  fear  of  a  free 
exchange  of  goods. 

They  cry  'tariff."  But  the  cry  is  only- 
intended    to    divert   attention   from    the 


the  Jew  gold  brokers  of   New  York    and 
London— know  perfectly  well  that  such    misdeeds  of  the  money  changers.     Com- 
md    further,  they  know    ">erce   is    not    to     blame.     The   money 


that  such  money  will  liberate  the  world 
from  their  clutches.  For  this  reason 
they  fight  and  affect  to  scorn  it.  Ridi- 
cule is  a  powerful  weapon.  Hence  they 
make  use  of  it  in  their  hired  presses  and 


changers  are.  .Money  is  a  common 
carrier  of  values.  And  as  a  common 
carrier  it  should  be  at  the  command  of 
whoever  has  value  to  carry  in  trade. 
Afraid  of  free   trade!     Think    for   a  mo- 


y    the    hired    mouths   of  their  lackeys  ment    what    that    '"earns.     And    if    not 
tools.     But    fear   is    the  controlling  afraid  of  your  own    freedom  in  this  mat- 
motive.     They  fear  that  men  may  learn  ter  wh3'    should   you    seek   to   limit  the 
the  truth— and  practice  it.  ec4ual    freedom     of    others?     "He    that 
Suppose    only    national    legal     tender  would  be  no  slave  must  consent  to    have 
money,  receivable  for  all  dues  and  debts  no  slave."     As  a  common  carrier  money 
e  used.     Then,  if  goods  are   brought  should  be  controlled  by    the   nation   for 
this  country    from    abroad  they  could  the    ccmmo.i     good.     Otherwise    trade. 


POLITICS 


4i 


commerce,  exchange,  is  subject  to  the 
hindrances,  ("We  can't  let  you  have  the 
money")  the  charges,  ("two  per  cent  a 
month;  money  is  scarce"),  and  the  im- 
positions, (''We  foreclose  tomorrow") 
of  the  dealers  in  money.  Trade  should 
be  free.  If  not  free  then  the  men  who 
would  trade  are  not  free.  They  are  de- 
prived of  a  right,  and  poverty  and  deg- 
radation is  the  sure  end  and  result. 
Trade  and  commerce  to  blame  for  the 
scarcity  of  money?  What  nonsense. 
But  scarcity  of  money  is  to  blame  for 
the  absence  of  trade.  An  issue  of  legal 
tender  greenbacks  paid  out  for  govern- 
ment expenses  and  in  lieu  of  taxation, 
would  revive  as  by  magic  the  drooping 
industries  of  the  nation  and  for  the  time 
liberate  the  industrial  masses  from  eco- 
nomic slavery.  And  everybody  knows 
it.  Hence  the  opposition  of  the  con- 
trollers— the  "cornerers" — of  money. 

"The  slightest  modification  of  national  laws 
concerning  money  affects  every  branch  of  trade, 
every  industry,  every  investment;  yet  a  small 
number  of  the  whole  people,  those  whose  busi- 
ness it  is  to  deal  in  money,  as  lenders  or  bank- 
ers, alone  keep  that  clost;  watch  of  legislation 
which  enables  them  to  control  it  unduly,  so  as 
to  promote  their  own  interests  when  laws  are 
changed,  or,  if  laws  are  likely  to  affect  their 
interests  injuriously  they  are  the  first  to  be 
aware  of  the  effects  of  changes,  and  to  guard 
against  them.  That  prosperity  or  adversity 
may  result  to  the  majority  of  an  entire  people 
by  a  simple  act  of  legislation  on  money  with  a 
rapidity  that  legislation  on  no  other  subject  can 
parallel,  has  become  obvious  to  all  intelligent 
people. — Chambers  Encyclopedia,  vol.  10,  p.  126. 

These  are  facts.  This  is  the  truth. 
Most  intelligent  men  freely  acknowl- 
edge it,  but  stand  dumb  in  the  presence 
of  overwhelming  injustice.  What  will 
rouse  them?  God  only  knows.  But  of 
this  be  sure:  If  they  look  calmly  on 
while  their  brothers  and  sisters  perish  a 
worse  fate  awaits  them.  It  is  only  de- 
layed for  a  time. 
— They   are  slaves   who   fear   to  speak 

For  the  fallen  and  the  weak; 

They  are  slaves  who  will  not  choose 

Hatred,  scoffing  and  abuse, 

Rather  than  in  silence  shrink 

From  the  truth  they  needs  must  think. 

They  are  slaves  who  dare  not  be 

In  the  right  with  two  or  three. 

— James  Russell  IYowell. 

Every  man  lives  in  his  thoughts.    "As 


a  man  thinketh  so  is  he."  That  he  may 
be  a  true  man  he  must  think  truly;  he 
must  be  able  to  hear  the  truth.  Truth 
must  be  given  at  least  an  ecfual  chance 
with  error.  Now,  men  are  daily  fed 
with  lies  upon  economic  subjects  in  the 
great  newspapers  and  from  prominent 
platforms.  Lies  that  are  known  to  be 
lies  by  the  utterer  . 

But  no  man  can  breathe  and  ponder  a 
lie  and  remain  unharmed.  Speech  and 
the  communication  of  thought  must  be 
free  from  the  oppressive  hands  of  the 
corruptors  of  our  politics.  The  avenues 
of  information  open  to  the  average  in- 
dividual are  freighted  with  lies.  The 
telegraph  and  the  daily  press  are 
used  chiefly  to  amuse  and  deceive.  In 
the  latter  days  of  the  Roman  empire 
the  mob  cried  out  for  "Bread  and  cir- 
cusses."  Our  populace,  too,  is  in  the 
process  of  degradation.  Under  the 
baneful  influence  of  the  times  the 
masses  of  the  people  run  hither  and 
thither,  "pleased  by  a  rattle  and  tickled 
by  a  straw.'  The  lies  of  the  daily  press 
they  devour.  Its  hates  they  absorb.  Its 
toadyings  to  the  rich  and  the  powerful 
they  emulate.  Deprived  and  degraded 
they  lick  the  hand  that  smites  them. 
Despised  by  the  men  who  use  them  they 
are  to  be  pitied  and  helped — liberated. 
How?  By  flattery?  By  telling  them  of 
their  intelligence  and  manly  virtue?  No! 
But  by  showing  them  the  truth. 

They  are  what  they  are  because  de- 
prived of  the  truth.  As  of  old,  "My 
people  perish  for  lack  of  knowledge." 
Already  a  great  railway  company  has 
issued  its  edict  that  its  employes  must 
abstain  from  politics.  They  must  not 
think:  or  thinking  must  not  speak  their 
thoughts.  Free  speech  is  circumscribed 
and  will  shortly  be  denied.  The  main 
avenues  of  information,  as  is  well  known, 
are  in  the  hands  of  those  who  mean  no 
good  to  the  people's  cause,  and  yet  these 
are  the  sources  of  knowledge  to  which 
the  people  vainly  look  for  light.  The 
wealthy  and  most  corrupt  owners  of  the 
telegraph  have  become  the  real  school- 
masters of  the  nation,  and  they  are  edu- 
cating it  aw.iy  from  the  truth  and  in  the 


POLITICS 

.:  dlshonoi    .m>l   de-  nevei    retarn.     The   new  is  before  us. 

h   and  all  the  means  Will  you   join   with   us  in   the  effort  to 

ition  should  be  freed  from  better  the  conditions  ■urroundiag  poor 

il    :'•     ■  ■  vile  in.inipu-  humanity?       Crude     and   unfinished,     it 

Like  the  post-office  it  should  be  may  be,   are  our  efforts,   but  a  mighty 

oil   and    UOt  the  master  of  eai  neslness    in    behalf   of   the    truth,    in 

behalf    of    Buffering    men,    pervades  our 

free   trade,    and  free  speech  ranks  ami  inspires   our    hearts.     We  are 

men!     Let    US    have  them  all  not  perfect.     Our  knowledge  is  far  from 

tion  to  ".ill  men"  of  those  complete.     Hut  we   desire    to  know  the 

natural     rights      wherewith     the    world  truth,  for  the  truth    shall  make    us  free. 

dowed  them.    And  whoso  Come    with    us.     The    morning    light  is 

denies  one  or  all  of  these  rights,  let  him  breaking;    a    new    day   is   dawning  upon 

be    known    as    a   depriver   and  would-be  men;  a    day    in    which   justice    shall   be 

of   his   kind,   an  enemy  Of   his  done    and    in    which    no    man    shall    be 

brothers  and  a  delur  of  God.  oppressed.     Comrade!  give  us  your  hand 

Mv  brother,    we  are  at   the  parting  of  aud  your  aid  in  the  fight. 
the    ways.     The   past   is   gone.     It    will  (The  end.) 


™"PeOFLeS  (ftLL 


Is  the  most  influential  weekly  paper  published  in  the  State  of 
Washington  as  it  is  also  the  most  widely  circulated.  The  subscription 
price  is  only 

One  Dollhr  Per  Yehr 

..hie  strictly  in  advance.        It  is  published  at  Seattle,   Wash.,    the 
commercial  center  of  the  Northwest. 


IN  editorial  columns  are  under  the  management  of 

-Sr  SALMON   M.  ALLEN  •!<-. 

It  is  a  fearless  defender  of  the  rights  of  the  people  against  the 
encroachments  of  concentrated  wealth,  but  yet  conservative  and 
patriotic. 

columns   will    teem   with  literature  from    the  standpoint  of  the 

broad  minded  Christian  Citizen. 


i  NIVERSm    Ol    *   UJFORNIA,   I  os    wi.iiis 

l  ill    l  \l\  l  KM  n    I  [BRARY 

l  his  Uook  is  I )U  I  iii\  the  Last  date  stamped  below 


%\&j 


DEC  2     1954 


REC'D  MLD 


MAY 


K^ronwjRt 


£    APR  06 
ftf»«  1 1  1991 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

AT 

LOS  ANGELES 

LIBRARY 


I  III  mill  mi  in  ii  linn  mi  mi  1111  iiiinn  n  tin 
I     3  1158  01015  4( 


i_fc_.-495 


HN64" 

R63p 


